## The Project Gutenberg eBook of Sailors Narratives of Voyages Along the New England Coast, 1524-1624

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Title: Sailors Narratives of Voyages Along the New England Coast, 1524-1624

Editor: George Parker Winship

Release date: March 13, 2022 [eBook #67623]
Most recently updated: October 18, 2024

Language: English

Original publication: United States: Houghton, Mifflin & Co, 1905

Credits: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SAILORS NARRATIVES OF VOYAGES ALONG THE NEW ENGLAND COAST, 1524-1624 ***

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

This book was published in 1905; only 440 copies were printed.

The first chapter, Verrazano’s voyage in 1524, is a modern translation of the original Italian. The other chapters are literal reproductions of their original English publications, and so retain the spelling, the hyphenation and punctuation seen in those books.

This etext maintains this careful reproduction of the original English text. Variant spellings of names and place names have not been changed.

A double space, in the narrative of the Popham voyage (pp. 155-175), is denoted by ·· and indicates, in most cases, the start of a new sentence.

Multiple spaces in a paragraph are denoted by ······· and indicate a blank space in the original text for a missing name or date.

The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

Three minor changes have been made to the etext:
Page 27: ‘Com of _Essex_’ has a ~ (tilde) over the m in the original text.
Page 123: ‘assoone as they’ replaced by ‘as soone as they’.
Page 155 Sidenote: ‘1605 June’ replaced by ‘1607 June’.

# SAILORS NARRATIVES
OF VOYAGES
along
The New England Coast
1524-1624

click here for larger image.
John Smith’s Map of New England (1616)

SAILORS

Narratives

OF VOYAGES

along the

New England Coast

1524–1624

With notes by GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP
of the John Carter Brown Library

BOSTON

Published by Houghton, Mifflin & Company

1905

COPYRIGHT 1905 BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO.

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

FOUR HUNDRED AND FORTY COPIES PRINTED

NUMBER

(339; handwritten)
(signature of Bruce Rogers; graphic designer of this book)

## CONTENTS

Giovanni da Verrazano, 1524
Narragansett Bay | 1
David Ingram, 1568
Maine | 25
Bartholomew Gosnold, 1602
Buzzard’s Bay | 31
Martin Pring, 1603
Plymouth Harbour | 51
Samuel de Champlain, 1605
Maine and Massachusetts | 65
George Waymouth, 1605
St. George’s River | 99
George Popham and Ralegh Gilbert, 1607
Kenebeck River | 153
Henry Hudson, 1609
Penobscot and the Fishing Banks | 177
Samuel Argall, 1610
Penobscot Bay | 193
John Smith, 1614
Monhegan | 211
Thomas Dermer, 1619
Maine and Cape Cod | 249
Christopher Levett, 1624
York and Portland | 259

## LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

John Smith’s Map of New England | Frontispiece
From Smith’s Description of New England, London, 1616. (Reduced)
Facsimile Title-page of Brereton’s Briefe and True Relation | 32
This book, published in 1602, gives an account of the voyage of Bartholomew Gosnold, and is the earliest book in English relating to New England
Map of Port St. Louis (Plymouth Bay) | 52
From Champlain’s Voyages, 1613 Edition
Map of the Mouth of the Kennebec | 66
From Champlain’s Voyages, 1613 Edition
Facsimile Title-page of Rosier’s True Relation | 100
This book, published in 1605, gives an account of the voyage of George Waymouth, and is the second book in English relating to New England
Facsimile Title-page of Smith’s Description of New England, 1616 | 212
It is in this book that the name “New England” first occurs, being substituted by Captain Smith for “North Virginia”

[1]

## Giovanni da Verrazano
1524
NARRAGANSETT BAY

[2]

Giovanni da Verrazano, a Florentine sailor in the service of France who had attracted the royal attention by his successful attacks on Spanish commerce, was commissioned by Francis I, in the spring of 1523, to cross the Atlantic in search for a sea route to Cathay. In April, the agents of Spain in France notified their government that Verrazano was ready to start. Two months later, the Spanish authorities learned that he had returned to La Rochelle, bringing the captured vessels in which Cortes had shipped the treasure gathered from the Aztec lords of Mexico. The proposed voyage of discovery was not, however, merely a blind for this attack on the Spanish West Indian fleet. Verrazano refitted his ships and made a second start, only to be driven back by a Biscayan storm. With his single remaining seaworthy vessel, he finally got away for the West. In March, 1524, land was sighted, probably near Cape Fear, on the Carolina coast. After looking in vain for a harbour toward the south, he turned northward and followed the shore line as far as Maine or Nova Scotia.

Verrazano arrived in Dieppe before the eighth of July, the date of his report to the King. An Italian version of this letter was printed at Venice in 1556 by Ramusio, from whose “Navigationi” it was translated into English by Hakluyt, for his “Divers Voyages,” printed in 1582. A somewhat different contemporary manuscript copy, also in Italian, is preserved at Florence. This was printed by the New York Historical Society in 1841, with a translation which has been revised for the present volume.

[3]

Giovanni da Verrazano
to his Most Serene Majesty the
KING of FRANCE.

SINCE the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts, I have not written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty concerning the four ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to discover new lands, because I thought you must have been before apprized of all that had happened to us—that we had been compelled by the impetuous violence of the winds to put into Brittany in distress with only the two ships Normandy and Dauphine; and that after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise in them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must have heard, and also of our new plan of continuing our intended voyage with the Dauphine alone; being now returned from this voyage, I proceed to give your Majesty an account of our discoveries.

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock near the island of Madeira, January 1524 belonging to his most Serene Majesty, the King of Portugal, with fifty men, having provisions sufficient for eight months, arms and other warlike[4] munition and naval stores. Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze, in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. On the 14th of February we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the divine assistance and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of our good ship, that had been able to support the violent tossing of the waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the West, a little northwardly, in twenty-four days more, Marchhaving run four hundred leagues, we reached a new country, which had never before been seen by any one, either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared to be very low, Carolina Coastbut on approaching it to within a quarter of a league from the shore we perceived, by the great fires near the coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port, in which we might come to anchor, and examine into the nature of the country, but for fifty leagues we could find none in which we could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretch to the south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the northward, and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the land and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea-side fled at our approach, but occasionally stopping,[5] they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some were at length induced, by various friendly signs, to come to us. These showed the greatest delight on beholding us, wondering at our dress, countenances and complexion. They then showed us by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and offered us some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and customs of life, I will relate what we saw as briefly as possible. They go entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small animals like martens fastened by a girdle of plaited grass, to which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals hanging down to the knees; all other parts of the body and the head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds’ feathers.

The complexion of these people is black, not much different from that of the Ethiopians; their hair is black and thick, and not very long, it is worn tied back upon the head in the form of a little tail. In person they are of good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own, broad across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body; the only exception to their good looks is that they have broad faces, but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with large black eyes and a fixed[6] expression. They are not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot, as far as we could judge by observation. In these last two particulars they resemble the people of the east, especially those the most remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their usages on account of our short stay among them, and the distance of our ship from the shore.

We found not far from this people another whose mode of life we judged to be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills about fifty paces broad. Ascending farther, we found several arms of the sea which make in through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as the coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little distance The Carolinasrising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees, more or less dense, too various in colours, and too delightful and charming in appearance to be described. I do not believe that they are like the Hercynian forest or the rough wilds of Scythia, and the northern regions full of vines and common trees, but adorned with palms, laurels, cypresses, and other varieties unknown in Europe, that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance, but which we could not examine more closely for the reasons[7] before given, and not on account of any difficulty in traversing the woods, which, on the contrary, are easily penetrated.

As the Orient stretches around this country, I think it cannot be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour of the ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and many other similar, and with a great variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful sport. It is plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of running water, and being in the latitude of 34, the air is salubrious, pure and temperate, and free from the extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these regions, the most prevalent are the north-west and west. In summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is clear, with but little rain: if fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the south wind, they are immediately dissipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. Although the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks and bold, so that within four or five fathoms from the shore there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide, and this depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The holding ground is so[8] good that no ship can part her cable, however violent the wind, as we proved by experience; for while riding at anchor on the coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries, we found our anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved at all.

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the shore, which we found stretching out to the west; North Carolinathe inhabitants being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter, we sent the boat on shore with twenty-five men to obtain water, but it was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on account of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating by various friendly signs that we might trust ourselves on shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known to your Majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore through the surf to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, looking-glasses, and other like trifles; when he came near three or four of them he tossed the things to them, and turned about to get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by the waves, and so dashed by them that he lay as it were dead upon the beach. When these[9] people saw him in this situation, they ran and took him up by the head, legs and arms, and carried him to a distance from the surf; the young man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they could in their language, showing him that he had no cause for fear. Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trowsers, and examined him, expressing the greatest astonishment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed very near it, full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined that the natives were about to roast him for food. But as soon as he had recovered his strength after a short stay with them, showing by signs that he wished to return aboard, they hugged him with great affection, and accompanied him to the shore, then leaving him, that he might feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This young man remarked that these people were black like the others, that they had shining skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds; this is all that he observed of them.

[10]

Departing hence, and always following the shore, which stretched to the north, we came, in the space of fifty leagues, to another land, Delaware and New Jersey Coast which appeared very beautiful and full of the largest forests. We approached it, and going ashore with twenty men, we went back from the coast about two leagues, and found that the people had fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching around we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed themselves for the same reason; the old woman carried two infants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight years of age; when we came up to them they began to shriek and make signs to the men who had fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, which they accepted with delight, but the girl would not touch any; every thing we offered to her being thrown down in great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman to carry with us to France, and would have taken the girl also, who was very beautiful and very tall, but it was impossible because of the loud shrieks she uttered as we attempted to lead her away; having to pass some woods, and being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and take the boy only. We found them fairer than the others, and wearing a covering made of certain plants, which hung down from the branches of[11] the trees, tying them together with threads of wild hemp; their heads are without covering and of the same shape as the others. Their food is a kind of pulse which there abounds, different in colour and size from ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides they take birds and fish for food, using snares and bows made of hard wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of which they put the bones of fish and other animals. The animals in these regions are wilder than in Europe from being continually molested by the hunters. We saw many of their boats made of one tree twenty feet long and four feet broad, without the aid of stone or iron or other kind of metal. In the whole country for the space of two hundred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any sort. To hollow out their boats they burn out as much of a log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stern to make them float well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility and beauty, is like the other, abounding also in forests filled with various kinds of trees, but not of such fragrance, as it is more northern and colder.

We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, which entwine about the trees, and run up upon them as they do in the plains of Lombardy. These vines would doubtless produce excellent wine if they were properly cultivated and attended to, as we have often seen[12] the grapes which they produce very sweet and pleasant, and not unlike our own. They must be held in estimation by them, as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around them, wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of plants and fragrant flowers different from our own. We cannot describe their habitations, as they are in the interior of the country, but from various indications we conclude they must be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also many grounds for conjecturing that they often sleep in the open air, without any covering but the sky. Of their other usages we know nothing; we believe, however, that all the people we were among live in the same way.

After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the coast, as we could find no harbour we determined to depart, and coast along the shore to the north-east, keeping sail on the vessel only by day, and coming to anchor by night. After proceeding one hundred leagues, we found a very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the sea; New York Harbourfrom the sea to the estuary of the river, any ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good[13] berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, without a knowledge of the mouth; therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds of various colours. They came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where we could most securely land with our boat. We passed up this river, about half a league, when we found it formed a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which they were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from one shore to the other, filled with multitudes who came to see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region which seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed must also contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of minerals. Weighing anchor, we sailed fifty leagues toward the east, as the coast stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it; Block Islandat length we discovered an island of a triangular form, about ten leagues from the mainland, in size about equal to the island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees, and well peopled, judging from the great number of[14] fires which we saw all around its shores; we gave it the name of your Majesty’s illustrious mother.

We did not land there, as the weather was unfavourable, but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island, where we found a very excellent harbour. Newport HarbourBefore entering it, we saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would not approach nearer than within fifty paces; stopping, they looked at the structure of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised a loud shout together, signifying that they were pleased. By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear. Among them were two kings more beautiful in form and stature than can possibly be described; one was about forty years old, the other about twenty-four, and they were dressed in the following manner: The oldest had a deer’s skin around his body, artificially wrought in damask figures, his head was without covering, his hair was tied back in various knots; around his neck he wore a large chain ornamented with many stones of different colours. The young man was similar[15] in his general appearance. This is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage. They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair complexion; some of them incline more to a white, and others to a tawny colour; their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning of which they bestow great pains; their eyes are black and sharp, their expression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. I say nothing to your Majesty of the other parts of the body, which are all in good proportion, and such as belong to well-formed men. Their women are of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleasing appearance in manners and modesty; they wear no clothing except a deer skin, ornamented like those worn by the men; some wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various ornaments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang down upon their breasts on each side. Others wear different ornaments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and the married people, both men and women, wear many ornaments in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered by them as the most ordinary of[16] the metals—yellow being the colour especially disliked by them; azure and red are those in highest estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang in their ears and about their necks; they do not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds of cloth, nor implements of steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration, and only asked how they were made; the same was the case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smiling, as soon as they had looked at them. They are very generous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a great friendship with them, and one day we entered into the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance of a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. They came off to the ship with a number of their little boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signifying to us where we could best ride in safety with our ship, and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We remained among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which we were in want, during which time they came every day to see our ship, bringing with them their wives, of whom they were very careful; for, although they came on board[17] themselves, and remained a long while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could we ever get them on board by any entreaties or any presents we could make them. One of the two kings often came with his queen and many attendants, to see us for his amusement; but he always stopped at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying they would come and see our ship—this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around; but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent the queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an island a quarter of a league distant from us, while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about every thing in the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men stayed two or three days on a small island, near the ship, for their various necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or eight of his attendants, to inquire about our movements, often asking us if we intended to remain there long, and offering us everything at his command, and then he would shoot with his bow, and run up and down with his people, making great sport[18] for us. We often went five or six leagues into the interior, and found the country as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultivation of every kind, whether of corn, wine or oil; there are open plains twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or other hindrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, we observed that they might all be traversed by an army ever so numerous; the trees of which they were composed, were oaks, cypresses, and others unknown in Europe. We found, also, apples, plumbs, filberts, and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being their chief implement; their arrows are wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them, they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones, in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufficiently commodious to contain ten or twelve persons; their oars are short, and broad at the end, and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone, with perfect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are[19] of a circular form, of about ten or twelve paces in circumference, made of logs split in halves, without any regularity of architecture, and covered with roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from wind and rain. There is no doubt that they could build stately edifices if they had workmen as skilful as ours, for the whole sea-coast abounds in shining stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it has coverts and retreats for animals. They change their habitations from place to place as circumstances of situation and season may require; this is easily done, as they have only to take with them their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great numbers; in some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with the other tribes, which is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated; in the time of sowing they are governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usages. They live by hunting and fishing, and they are long-lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat of the fire, and their death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affectionate and charitable towards their relatives—making loud lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good fortune.[20] At their departure out of life, their relations mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. This is all that we could learn of them. This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41° 40′ of north latitude, but much colder from accidental circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain to your Majesty, and confine myself at present to the description of its local situation. It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is half a league broad; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the coast and north is twelve leagues, and then enlarging itself it forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which are five small islands, of great fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. Narragansett BayAmong these islands any fleet, however large, might ride safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear water, which flow down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance, there is a rock of freestone, formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the harbour.

Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, on the fifth of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty[21] leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from our sight; the nature of the country appeared much the same as before, but the mountains were a little higher, and all in appearance rich in minerals. We did not stop to land as the weather was very favourable for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no variety. Cape CodThe shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues beyond more to the north, where we found a more elevated country, full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses and the like, indicative of a cold climate. The people were entirely different from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude and barbarous that we were unable by any signs we could make, to hold communication with them. They clothe themselves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals and other animals. Their food, as far as we could judge by several visits to their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and fishing, and certain fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous growth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation; the land appears sterile and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to traffick with them, they came to the sea shore and stood upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord to our boats beneath whatever they had to barter, continually crying[22] out to us, not to come nearer, and instantly demanding from us that which was to be given in exchange; they took from us only knives, fish hooks and sharpened steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies; when we had nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our departure made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will we penetrated two or three leagues into the interior with twenty-five men; when we came to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, raising the most horrible cries and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In this region we found nothing extraordinary except vast forests and some metalliferous hills, as we infer from seeing that many of the people wore copper earrings. Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north-east, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from woods, and distant in the interior we saw lofty mountains, but none which extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues we discovered thirty-two islands, Coast of Maineall near the main land, small and of pleasant appearance, but high and so disposed as to afford excellent harbours and channels, as we see in the Adriatic gulph, near Illyria and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those we were last among. After sailing between east and[23] north the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took in wood and water and determined to return to France, having discovered 502, that is 700 leagues of unknown lands.

As to the religious faith of all these tribes, not understanding their language, we could not discover either by sign or gestures any thing certain. It seemed to us that they had no religion nor laws, nor any knowledge of a First Cause or Mover, that they worshipped neither the heavens, stars, sun, moon nor other planets; nor could we learn if they were given to any kind of idolatry, or offered any sacrifices or supplications, or if they have temples or houses of prayer in their villages;—our conclusion was, that they have no religious belief whatever, but live in this respect entirely free. All which proceeds from ignorance, as they are very easy to be persuaded, and imitated us with earnestness and fervour in all which they saw us do as Christians in our acts of worship.

On board the ship Dauphine, in the port of Dieppe in Normandy, the 8th of July, 1524.

Your humble servitor,
John de Verrazzano.

[24]
[25]

## David Ingram
1568
MAINE

[26]

David Ingram was one of the companions of Sir John Hawkins, when he was forced to take refuge from a storm in the Mexican harbour of San Juan de Ulua, in the autumn of 1568. After several days of amicable traffic for the slaves brought by Hawkins from Africa, the English ships were suddenly attacked by an overpowering Spanish force. Hawkins succeeded in gathering most of his men into two of the vessels, and in fighting his way out of the harbour. The escape from danger was only temporary, however, for the two ships were so overcrowded that it quickly became evident that they could not possibly make the voyage across the Atlantic to England. About a hundred men were therefore set on shore, on the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico. Three of these men succeeded in making their way across the central and eastern portion of what is now the United States. A French fur-trader found them somewhere on the eastern Maine coast and carried them back to Europe.

One of these trans-continental wanderers, David Ingram, wrote an account of his adventures, in which he mingled much fiction with some probable truth. The paragraphs reprinted here contain the most plausible portion of his narrative. There are numerous contemporary manuscript copies of Ingram’s narrative, testifying to the curiosity which it excited at the time. It was first printed in 1582 by Hakluyt, who omitted it from his subsequent publications because of its dubious veracity.

[27]

THE Relacon of Davyd Ingram of Barkinge in the Com of Essex Saylor, being nowe abowt the age of fortye yeares, of sundrye thinges which he with others did see in Travelinge by lande from the moste northerlie parte of the Baye of Mezico where he with many others weare sett on shoare by Mr Hawkyns throughe a greate parte of Ameryca vntill they came within fivetye leagues or theraboutes of Cape Britton which he reported vnto Sr. ffrauncys Walsingham Kt. her Majesties principall Secretarye and to Sr. George Peckham Knight and dyuers others of[28] good iudgment and Creditt in August and September Anno Domini 1582.

ABOUTE the beginninge of Octobar Anno Domini 1568 1568 OctoberDavyd Ingram with the reste of his Company beinge an C. [i. e. 100] persons in all weare sett on lande by Mr. John Hawkyns about sixe leagues to the weste of the Ryvar Camina or Rio de Mynas which standethe aboute 140 leagues weste and by northe from the Cape of floryda he hathe travayled in those Countryes from beyonde terra florida extendinge towardes the Cape Britton about eleaven monethes in the whole, and aboute seaven monethes therof in those Countryes which lye towardes the northe of the Ryu of Maii. In which tyme as the saide Ingram thincketh he travayled by land 2000 myles at the leaste, and never contynued in any one place above 3 or 4. daies savinge onlye at the Cyttie of Balma where he stayed VI or VII. daies.

After longe travayle the foresaid Davyd Ingram with his twoe Companions Browne and Twyde came to the head of a Ryvar called Gugida St. John Riverwhich is 60 leagues weste from Cape[29] Britton where they vnderstode by the people of that Countrye, of the arryvall of a Christyan, whervppon they made there repayer to the Sea syde, and there founde a frenche Capitaine named Mounsieur Champaine whoe toke them into his Shippe and brought them vnto Newhaven, and from thence they weare transported into England Anno Domini 1569.

This Mounsieur Champaine with dyvers of his Company was brought into the village of Baryniathe aboute twentye myles vpp into the Countrye by the saide Ext and his twoe Companions by whose meanes he had a trade with the people, of dyvers sortes of fyne furres and of great redde leaves of Trees almoste a yarde longe and aboute a foote broade which he thincketh are good for dyenge.

Alsoe the saide Mounsieur Champaine had there for exchange of tryflinge wares a good quantytie of rude and vnwrought sylver.

He saieth furthar that dyvers of the saide frenche men which weare in the saide Shippe called the Gargaryne, are yet lyvinge in ······· vppon the Coaste of ffraunce as he thincketh, for he did speake with some of them within these three yeares.

Aboute a fortnight after there cominge from Newhaven into England this Ext and his twoe Companyons came to Mr. John Hawkyns whoe had sett them on shoare vppon the Baye of[30] Mezico, and vnto eache of them he gave a Rewarde.

Richard Browne his Companyon was slayne aboute five yeares paste in the Elizabeth of Mr. Cockens of London, and Richard Twyde his other Companyon dyed at Ratclif in John Sherwoodes howse there aboute three yeares paste.

Grando is a word of salutacion, as amonge vs good morrowe good even god save you, and such like.

Garriccona a Kinge.

Garraccona a Lorde.

Tona Bredde.

Carningnaz, the privyties.

Kerrucca the sonne.

Alsoe the saide Davyd Ingram travelinge towardes the northe founde the mayne Sea vppon the northe syde of Ameryca, Great Lakesand travayled in the sighte therof the space of twoe whole dayes, where the people signifyed vnto him that they had seene Shippes on that Coaste and did drawe vppon the grounde the Shape and signe of Shippes and of there Sales and flagges which thinge especyallye provethe the passage of the northe weste and is agreable to the experyence of the Spanishe Captaine Vasques de Coronado, founde a Shippe of China or Caytaia vppon the northe weste of Ameryca.

[31]

## Bartholomew Gosnold
1602
BUZZARD’S BAY

[32]

Bartholomew Gosnold and Bartholomew Gilbert, the latter a son of Sir Humphrey, visited the south-eastern New England coast in the summer of 1602, for the purpose of finding out what chances there were for profitable trading in that region. They probably chose this locality because it had not before been explored by English sailors, and because they sailed without a license from Sir Walter Ralegh, to whom had been granted the exclusive right of English trade with that part of the world. Had they succeeded in returning undetected to England, nobody to-day would know anything about the details of their voyage. A sudden drop in the price of sassafras showed Ralegh that something was wrong, and investigation soon brought their cargo to light. As some men prominent in the court circle had taken shares in the Gosnold-Gilbert venture, a compromise was arranged to avoid public scandal, and Ralegh allowed the report to go out that he had authorized the voyage. An account of the voyage, written by John Brereton, was published for circulation among those who it was hoped might subscribe toward the cost of equipping another expedition to the same locality.

Earliest English Book relating to New England
A
Briefe and true Relation of
the Discouerie of the North
part of Virginia; being a
most pleasant, fruitfull
and commodious
soile:
Made this present yeere 1602, by
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, Captaine
Bartholowmew Gilbert, and diuers
other gentlemen their associates, by the
permission of the honourable knight,
Sir Walter Ralegh, &c.
Written by M. John Brereton
one of the voyage.
Whereunto is annexed a Treatise,
of M. Edward Hayes, conteining important
inducements for the planting in those
parts, and finding a passage that
way to the South sea,
and China.
With diuers instructions of speciall moment
newly added in this second impression.
LONDINI,
Impensis Geor. Bishop.
1602.

[33]

TO THE HONOURABLE Sir Walter Ralegh, Kt., Captaine of her Maiesties Guards, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, Lieutenant of Cornwall, and Gouernour of the Isle of Jersey.

HONOURABLE sir, being earnestly requested by a deere friend, 1602to put downe in writing, some true relation of our late performed voyage to the North parts of Virginia; at length I resolued to satisfie his request, who also imboldened me, to direct the same to your honourable consideration; to whom indeed of duetie it perteineth.

May it please your Lordship therefore to understand, that upon the sixe and twentieth of March 1602, Marchbeing Friday, we went from Falmouth, being in all, two & thirtie persons, in a small barke of Dartmouth, called The Concord, holding a course for the North part of Virginia: and although by chance the winde fauoured vs not at first as we wished, but inforced vs so[34] farre to the Southward, as we fell with S. Marie, one of the islands of the Açores (which was not much out of our way) yet holding our course directly from thence, we made our iourney shorter (than hitherto accustomed) by the better part of a thousand leagues, yet were wee longer in our passage than we expected; which happened, for that our barke being weake, we were loth to presse her with much saile; also, our sailers being few, and they none of the best, we bare (except in faire weather) but low saile; besides, our going vpon an vnknowen coast, made vs not ouer-bolde to stand in with the shore, but in open weather; which caused vs to be certeine daies in sounding, before we discouered the coast, the weather being by chance, somewhat foggie. MayBut on Friday the foureteenth of May, early in the morning, we made the land, being full of faire trees, the land somewhat low, certeine hummocks or hilles lying into the land, the shore ful of white sand, but very stony or rocky. And standing faire alongst by the shore, about twelue of the clocke the same day, we came to an anker, Cape Neddock Mainewhere sixe Indians, in a Baske-shallop with mast and saile, an iron grapple, and a kettle of copper, came boldly aboord vs, one of them apparelled with a wastcoat and breeches of blacke serdge, made after our sea-fashion, hose and shoes on his feet; all the rest (sauing one that had a paire of breeches of blue[35] cloth) were all naked. These people are of tall stature, broad and grim visage, of a blacke swart complexion, their eie-browes painted white; their weapons are bowes and arrowes: it seemed by some words and signes they made, that some Basks or of S. Iohn de Luz, haue fished or traded in this place, being in the latitude of 43 degrees. But riding heere, in no very good harbour, and withall, doubting the weather, about three of the clocke the same day in the afternoone we weighed, & standing Southerly off into sea the rest of that day and the night following, with a fresh gale of winde, in the morning we found ourselues embayed with a mightie headland; but comming to an anker about nine of the clocke the same day, within a league of the shore, Cape Codwe hoised out the one halfe of our shallop, and captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, my selfe, and three others, went ashore, being a white sandie and very bolde shore; and marching all that afternoon with our muskets on our necks, on the highest hilles which we saw (the weather very hot) at length we perceiued this headland to be parcell of the maine, and sundrie Islands lying almost round about it: so returning (towards euening) to our shallop (for by that time, the other part was brought ashore and set together) we espied an Indian, a yong man, of proper stature, and of a pleasing countenance; and after some familiaritie with him,[36] we left him at the sea side, and returned to our ship, where, in fiue or sixe houres absence, we had pestered our ship so with Cod fish, that we threw numbers of them ouer-boord againe: and surely, I am persuaded that in the moneths of March, April, and May, there is vpon this coast, better fishing, and in as great plentie, as in Newfoundland: for the sculles of Mackerell, herrings, Cod, and other fish, that we dayly saw as we went and came from the shore, were wonderfull; and besides, the places where we tooke these Cods (and might in a few daies haue laden our ship) were but in seuen faddome water, and within lesse than a league of the shore; where, in Newfound-land they fish in fortie or fiftie fadome water, and farre off. From this place, we sailed round about this headland, almost all the points of the compasse, the shore very bolde: but as no coast is free from dangers, so I am persuaded, this is as free as any; the land somewhat lowe, full of goodly woods, but in some places plaine: at length we were come amongst many faire Islands, which we had partly discerned at our first landing; Nantucketall lying within a league or two one of another, and the outermost not aboue sixe or seuen leagues from the maine: Martha’s Vineyardbut comming to an anker vnder one of them, which was about three or foure leagues from the maine, captaine Gosnold, my selfe, and some others, went ashore, & going round about[37] it, we found it to be foure English miles in compasse, without house or inhabitant, sauing a little old house made of boughes, couered with barke, an olde piece of a weare of the Indians, to catch fish, and one or two places, where they had made fires. The chiefest trees of this Island, are Beeches and Cedars; the outward parts all ouergrowen with lowe bushie trees, three or foure foot in height, which beare some kinde of fruits, as appeared by their blossomes; Strawberies, red and white, as sweet and much bigger than ours in England, Rasberies, Gooseberies, Hurtleberies, and such; an incredible store of Vines, as well in the wooddie part of the Island, where they run upon euery tree, as on the outward parts, that we could not goe for treading vpon them: also, many springs of excellent sweet water, and a great standing lake of fresh water, neere the sea side, an English mile in compasse, which is mainteined with the springs running exceeding pleasantly thorow the wooddie grounds which are very rockie. Here are also in this Island, great store of Deere, which we saw, and other beasts, as appeared by their tracks; as also diuers fowles, as Cranes, Hernshawes, Bitters, Geese, Mallards, Teales, and other fowles, in great plenty; also, great store of Pease, which grow in certeine plots all the Island ouer. On the North side of this Island we found many huge bones and ribbes of Whales.[38] This Island, as also all the rest of these Islands, are full of all sorts of stones fit for building; the sea sides all couered with stones, many of them glistering and shining like minerall stones, and very rockie: also, the rest of these Islands are replenished with these commodities, and vpon some of them, inhabitants; as vpon an Island to the Northward, and within two leagues of this; yet wee found no townes, nor many of their houses, although we saw manie Indians, which are tall big boned men, all naked, sauing they couer their priuy parts with a blacke tewed skin, much like a Black-smithes apron, tied about their middle and betweene their legs behinde: they gaue vs of their fish readie boiled (which they carried in a basket made of twigges, not unlike our osier) whereof we did eat, and iudged them to be fresh water fish: they gaue vs also of their Tabacco, which they drinke greene, but dried into powder, very strong and pleasant, and much better than any I haue tasted in England: the necks of their pipes are made of clay hard dried (whereof in that Island is great store both red and white) the other part, is a piece of hollow copper, very finely closed and semented together: we gaue vnto them certeine trifles, as kniues, points, and such like, which they much esteemed. From hence we went to another Island, to the Northwest of this, and within a league or two of the maine, which we[39] found to be greater than before we imagined, being 16 English miles at the least in compasse; Cuttyhunk for it conteineth many pieces or necks of land, which differ nothing frō seuerall Islands, sauing that certeine banks of small bredth do like bridges ioyne them to this Island: on the outsides of this Island are many plaine places of grasse, abundance of Strawberies & other berries before mentioned: in mid May we did sowe in this Island (as for a triall) in sundry places, Wheat, Barley, Oats, and Pease, which in foureteene daies were sprung up nine inches and more: the soile is fat and lustie; the vpper crust, of gray colour; but a foot or lesse in depth, of the colour of our hempe-lands in England; and being thus apt for these and the like graines; the sowing or setting (after the ground is cleansed) is no greater labour, than if you should set or sowe in one of our best prepared gardens in England. This Island is full of high timberd Oaks, their leaues thrise so broad as ours; Cedars, strait and tall; Beech, Elme, Hollie, Walnut trees in abundance, the fruit as bigge as ours, as appeared by those we found under the trees, which had lien all the yeere vngathered; Haslenut trees, Cherry trees, the leafe, barke and bignesse not differing from ours in England, but the stalke beareth the blossomes or fruit at the end thereof, like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fifty in a bunch; Sassafras trees great plentie all the Island ouer, a[40] tree of high price and profit; also, diuers other fruit trees, some of them with strange barks, of an Orange colour, in feeling soft and smoothe like veluet: in the thickest parts of these woods, you may see a furlong or more round about. On the Northwest side of this Island, neere to the sea side, is a standing Lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in compasse, in the middest whereof stands a plot of wooddie ground, an acre in quantitie or not aboue: this Lake is full of small Tortoises, and exceedingly frequented with all sorts of fowles before rehearsed, which breed, some lowe on the banks, and others on lowe trees about this Lake in great abundance, whose yoong ones of all sorts we tooke and eat at our pleasure: but all these fowles are much bigger than ours in England. Also, in euery Island, and almost in euery part of euery Island, are great store of Ground nuts, fortie together on a string, some of them as bigge as hennes egges; they grow not two inches vnder ground: the which nuts we found to be as good as Potatoes. Also, diuers sorts of shell-fish, as Scallops, Muscles, Cockles, Lobsters, Crabs, Oisters, and Wilks, exceeding good and very great. But not to cloy you with particular rehearsall of such things as God & Nature hath bestowed on these places, in comparison whereof, the most fertil part of al England is (of it selfe) but barren; we went in our light-horsman[41] frō this Island to the maine, right against this Island some two leagues off, where comming ashore, we stood a while like men rauished at the beautie and delicacie of this sweet soile; Buzzard’s Bay for besides diuers cleere Lakes of fresh water (whereof we saw no end) Medowes very large and full of greene grasse; euen the most wooddy places (I speake onely of such as I saw) doe grow so distinct and apart, one tree from another, vpon greene grassie ground, somewhat higher than the Plaines, as if Nature would shew herselfe aboue her power, artificiall. Hard by, we espied seuen Indians; and comming vp to them, at first they expressed some feare; but being emboldned by our courteous vsage, and some trifles which we gaue them, they followed vs to a necke of land, which we imagined had beene seuered from the maine; but finding it otherwise, we perceiued a broad harbour or riuers mouth, which ranne vp into the maine: but because the day was farre spent, we were forced to returne to the Island from whence we came, leauing the discouerie of this harbour, for a time of better leasure: of the goodnesse of which harbour, as also of many others thereabouts, there is small doubt, considering that all the Islands, as also the maine (where we were) is all rockie grounds and broken lands. Now the next day, we determined to fortifie our selues in the little plot of ground in the midst of the[42] Lake aboue mentioned, where we built an house, and couered it with sedge, which grew about this lake in great abundance; in building whereof, we spent three weeks and more: but the second day after our comming from the maine, we espied 9 canowes or boats, with fiftie Indians in them, comming toward vs from this part of the maine, where we, two daies before, landed; and being loth they should discouer our fortification, we went out on the sea side to meet them; and comming somewhat neere them, they all sat downe upon the stones, calling aloud to vs (as we rightly ghessed) to doe the like, a little distance from them: hauing sat a while in this order, captaine Gosnold willed me to go vnto them, to see what countenance they would make; but as soone as I came vp vnto them, one of them, to whom I had giuen a knife two daies before in the maine, knew me (whom I also very wel remembred) and smiling vpon me, spake somewhat vnto their lord or captaine, which sat in the midst of them, who presently rose vp and tooke a large Beauer skin from one that stood about him, and gaue it vnto me, which I requited for that time the best I could: but I pointing towards captaine Gosnold, made signes vnto him, that he was our captaine, and desirous to be his friend, and enter league with him, which (as I perceiued) he vnderstood, and made signes of ioy: whereupon captaine Gosnold[43] with the rest of his companie, being twentie in all, came vp vnto them; and after many signes of gratulations (captain Gosnold presenting their L. with certeine trifles which they wondred at, and highly esteemed) we became very great friends, and sent for meat aboord our shallop, and gaue them such meats as we had then readie dressed, whereof they misliked nothing but our mustard, whereat they made many a sowre face. While wee were thus merry, one of them had conueied a target of ours into one of their canowes, which we suffered, onely to trie whether they were in subiection to this L. to whom we made signes (by shewing him another of the same likenesse, and pointing to the canowe) what one of his companie had done: who suddenly expressed some feare, and speaking angerly to one about him (as we perceiued by his countenance) caused it presently to be brought backe againe. So the rest of the day we spent in trading with them for Furres, which are Beauers, Luzernes, Marterns, Otters, Wild-cat skinnes very large and deepe Furre, blacke Foxes, Conie skinnes, of the colour of our Hares, but somewhat lesse, Deere skinnes very large, Seale skinnes, and other beasts skinnes, to vs vnknowen. They haue also great store of Copper, some very redde, and some of a paler colour; none of them but haue chaines, earrings or collars of this[44] mettall: they head some of their arrows herewith, much like our broad arrow heads, very workmanly made. Their chaines are many hollow pieces semented together, ech piece of the bignesse of one of our reeds, a finger in length, ten or twelue of them together on a string, which they weare about their necks: their collars they weare about their bodies like bandelieres a handfull broad, all hollow pieces, like the other, but somewhat shorter, foure hundred pieces in a collar, very fine and euenly set together. Besides these, they haue large drinking cups, made like sculles, and other thinne plates of Copper, made much like our boare-speare blades, all which they so little esteeme, as they offered their fairest collars or chaines, for a knife or such like trifle, but we seemed little to regard it; yet I was desirous to vnderstand where they had such store of this mettall, and made signes to one of them (with whom I was verie familiar) who taking a piece of Copper in his hand, made a hole with his finger in the ground, and withall, pointed to the maine from whence they came. They strike fire in this manner; euery one carrieth about him in a purse of tewed leather, a Minerall stone (which I take to be their Copper) and with a flat Emerie stone (wherewith Glasiers cut glasse, and Cutlers glase blades) tied fast to the end of a little sticke, gently he striketh[45] vpon the Minerall stone, and within a stroke or two, a sparke falleth vpon a piece of Touch-wood (much like our Spunge in England) and with the least sparke he maketh a fire presently. We had also of their Flaxe, wherewith they make many strings and cords, but it is not so bright of colour as ours in England: I am perswaded they haue great store growing vpon the maine, as also Vines and many other rich commodities, which we, wanting both time and meanes, could not possibly discouer. Thus they continued with vs three daies, euery night retiring themselues to the furthermost part of our Island two or three miles from our fort: but the fourth day they returned to the maine, pointing fiue or six times to the Sun, and once to the maine, which we vnderstood, that within fiue or six daies they would come from the maine to vs againe: but being in their canowes a little from the shore, they made huge cries & shouts of ioy vnto vs; and we with our trumpet and cornet, and casting vp our cappes into the aire, made them the best farewell we could: yet sixe or seuen of them remained with vs behinde, bearing vs company euery day into the woods, and helpt vs to cut and carie our Sassafras, and some of them lay aboord our ship. These people, as they are exceeding courteous, gentle of disposition, and well conditioned, excelling all others that we haue seene; so for shape[46] of bodie and louely fauour, I thinke they excell all the people of America; of stature much higher than we; of complexion or colour, much like a darke Oliue; their eie-browes and haire blacke, which they weare long, tied vp behinde in knots, whereon they pricke feathers of fowles, in fashion of a crownet: some of them are blacke thin bearded; they make beards of the haire of beasts: and one of them offered a beard of their making to one of our sailers, for his that grew on his face, which because it was of a red colour, they iudged to be none of his owne. They are quicke eied, and stedfast in their looks, fearelesse of others harmes, as intending none themselues; some of the meaner sort giuen to filching, which the very name of Saluages (not weighing their ignorance in good or euill) may easily excuse: their garments are of Deere skins, and some of them weare Furres round and close about their necks. They pronounce our language with great facilitie; for one of them one day sitting by me, vpon occasion I spake smiling to him these words: How now (sirha) are you so saucie with my Tabacco: which words (without any further repetition) he suddenly spake so plaine and distinctly, as if he had beene a long scholar in the language. Many other such trials we had, which are heere needlesse to repeat. Their women (such as we saw) which were but three in all, were but lowe[47] of stature, their eie-browes, haire, apparell, and maner of wearing, like to the men, fat, and very well fauoured, and much delighted in our compane; the men are very dutifull towards them. And truely, the holsomnesse and temperature of this Climat, doth not onely argue this people to be answerable to this description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, actiue, strong, healthfull, and very wittie, as the sundry toies of theirs cunningly wrought, may easily witnes. For the agreeing of this Climat with vs (I speake of my selfe, & so I may iustly do for the rest of our companie) that we found our health & strength all the while we remained there, so to renew and increase, as notwithstanding our diet and lodging was none of the best, yet not one of our company (God be thanked) felt the least grudging or inclination to any disease or sicknesse, but were much fatter and in better health than when we went out of England. But after our barke had taken in so much Sassafras, Cedar, Furres, Skinnes, and other commodities, as were thought conuenient; some of our company that had promised captaine Gosnold to stay, hauing nothing but a sauing voyage in their minds, made our company of inhabitants (which was small enough before) much smaller; so as captaine Gosnold seeing his whole strength to consist but of twelue men, and they but meanly prouided,[48] determined to returne for England, leauing this Island (which he called Elizabeths Island) with as many true sorrowfull eies, as were before desirous to see it. So the 18 of June, being Friday, we weighed, and with indifferent faire winde and weather came to anker the 23 of July, being also Friday (in all, bare fiue weeks) before Exmouth.

Your Lordships to command,
Iohn Brereton.

A briefe Note of such commodities as we saw in the countrey notwithstanding our small time of stay.

Trees.

SAssafras trees, the roots whereof at 3. s. the pound are 336. l. the tunne.

Cedars tall and straight, in great abundance.

Cypres trees.

Oakes.

Walnut trees great store.

Elmes.

Beech.

Hollie.

Haslenut trees.

Cherry trees.

Cotten trees.

Other fruit trees to vs vnknowen.

Fowles.

EAgles.

Hernshawes.

Cranes.

Bitters.

Mallards.

Teales.

Geese.

Pengwins.

Ospreis and Hawks.

Crowes.

Rauens.

Mewes.

Doues.

Sea-pies.

Blacke-birds with carnation wings.

[49]

The finder of our Sassafras in these parts, was one Master Robert Meriton.

Beasts.

DEere in great store, very great and large.

Beares.

Luzernes.

Blacke Foxes.

Beavers.

Otters.

Wilde-Cats, verie large and great.

Dogs like Foxes, blacke and sharpe nosed.

Conies.

Fruits, Plants, and Herbs.

TAbacco, excellent sweet and strong.

Vines in more plenty than in France.

Ground-nuts, good meat, & also medicinable.

Strawberries.

Raspeberries.

Gooseberries.

Hurtleberries.

Pease growing naturally.

Flaxe.

Sorrell, & manie other herbs wherewith they made fallets.

Fishes.

WHales.

Tortoises, both on land and sea.

Seales.

Cods.

Mackerell.

Breames.

Herrings.

Thornbacke.

Hakes.

Rockefish.

Doggefish.

Lobsters.

Crabbes.

Muscles.

Wilks.

Cockles.

Scallops.

Oisters.

[50]

SNakes foure foot in length, and sixe inches about, which the Indians eat for daintie meat, the skinnes whereof they vse for girdles.

Mettals and Stones.

COpper in great abundance.

Emerie stones for Glasiers & Cutlers.

Alabaster very white.

Stones glistering and shining like Minerall stones.

Stones of a blue metalline colour, which we take to be Steele oare.

Stones of all sorts for buildings.

Cley, red and white.

[51]

## Martin Pring
1603
PLYMOUTH HARBOUR

[52]

Martin Pring, who became more famous ten years later in the East India trade, and who rose to the dignity of “Generall to the Fraternity of the Trinitie House” at Bristol, was selected by sundry of the chiefest merchants of that town in 1603 to represent their interests on a voyage to the region where Gosnold and Gilbert had gathered a profitable cargo of sassafras. He was given the charge of “a small ship called the Speed-well in burthen about fiftie tunnes, manning the same with some thirtie men and Boyes ... with a Barke called the Discoverer, of six and twentie tunnes or thereabout, being thirteene men and a Boy in all in that Barke.” They made land on the Maine coast, and after following the northern shore of Massachusetts Bay for a ways, struck across to the southwest, hitting upon Plymouth harbour. Here there was abundance of sassafras, and the ships’ companies made a camp on shore while they gathered their cargo.

Pring wrote an account of the voyage for Richard Hakluyt, who had persuaded the Bristol merchants to make the venture. Samuel Purchas, who came into possession of Hakluyt’s papers, printed the narrative at London in 1625, in the fourth volume of “Purchas his Pilgrimes.”

Champlain’s Map of Port St. Louis (Plymouth Bay)

[53]

A VOYAGE set out from the Citie of Bristoll at the charge of the chiefest Merchants and Inhabitants of the said Citie with a small Ship and a Barke for the discouerie of the North part of Virginia.

WE set saile from Milford Hauen April 1603 (where the winds had stayed vs a fortnight, in which space we heard of Queen Elizabeths death) the tenth of Aprill 1603. In our course we passed by the Iles of the Açores, had first sight of the Pike, and afterward of the Iland of Cueruo and Flores, and after we had runne some fiue hundred leagues, Junewe fell with a multitude of small Ilands on the North Coast of Virginia, in the latitude of 43. degrees, the ······· of Iune, which Ilands wee found very pleasant to behold, adorned with goodly grasse and sundry sorts of Trees, as Cedars, Spruce, Pines, and Firre-trees. Heere wee found an[54] excellent fishing for Cods, which are better then those of New-found-land, and withall we saw good and Rockie ground fit to drie them vpon: also we see no reason to the contrary, but that Salt may bee made in these parts, a matter of no small importance. We sayled to the South-west end of these Ilands, and there rode with our ships vnder one of the greatest. One of them we named Foxe Iland, because we found those kind of beasts thereon. So passing through the rest with our Boates to the mayne Land, which lieth for a good space North-east and South-west, we found very safe riding among them, in sixe, seuen, eight, ten and twelue fathomes. At length comming to the Mayne in the latitude of 43. degrees and an halfe, we ranged the same to the South-west. In which course we found foure Inlets, the most Easterly whereof was barred at the mouth, but hauing passed ouer the barre, wee ranne vp into it fiue miles, and for a certaine space found very good depth, and comming out againe, as we sailed South-westward, we lighted vpon two other Inlets, which vpon our search we found to pierce not farre into the Land, the fourth and most Westerly was the best, which we rowed vp ten or twelue miles.

In all these places we found no people, but signes of fires where they had beene. Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groues and Woods replenished with tall Okes, Beeches, Pine-trees, Firre-trees,[55] Hasels, Wich-hasels and Maples. We saw here also sundry sorts of Beasts, as Stags, Deere, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, Lusernes, and Dogges with sharpe noses. But meeting with no Sassafras, we left these places with all the foresaid Ilands, Cape Neddock Nubbleshaping our course for Sauage Rocke discouered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold, where going vpon the Mayne we found people, with whom we had no long conuersation, because here also we could find no Sassafras. Departing hence we bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold ouer-shot the yeere before, coasting and finding people on the North side thereof. Not yet satisfied in our expectation, we left them and sailed ouer, and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odde minute: where we went on Land in a certaine Bay, Plymouth Harbourwhich we called Whitson Bay, by the name of the Worshipfull Master Iohn Whitson then Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, and one of the chiefe Aduenturers, and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning, wee called it Mount Aldworth, for Master Robert Aldworths sake a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage, as well with his Purse as with his trauell. Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras.

At our going on shore, vpon view of the people and sight of the place, wee thought it conuenient to make a small baricado to keepe diligent watch and ward in, for the aduertizement[56] and succour of our men, while they should worke in the Woods. During our abode on shore, the people of the Countrey came to our men sometimes ten, twentie, fortie or threescore, and at one time one hundred and twentie at once. We vsed them kindly, and gaue them diuers sorts of our meanest Merchandize. They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men. Their owne victuals were most of fish.

We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne, in whose homely Musicke they tooke great delight, and would giue him many things, as Tobacco, Tobacco-pipes, Snakes skinnes of sixe foot long, which they vse for Girdles, Fawnes skinnes, and such like, and danced twentie in a Ring, and the Gitterne in the middest of them, vsing many Sauage gestures, singing lo, la, lo, la, la, lo: him that first brake the ring, the rest would knocke and cry out vpon. Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long, and halfe a foote broad before their breasts. Their weapons are Bowes of fiue or sixe foot long of Wich-hasell, painted blacke and yellow, the strings of three twists of sinewes, bigger then our Bow-strings. Their Arrowes are of a yard and an handfull long not made of Reeds, but of a fine light wood very smooth and round with three long and deepe blacke feathers of some Eagle, Vulture, or Kite, as closely fastened with some binding matter, as[57] any Fletcher of ours can glue them on. Their Quiuers are full a yard long, made of long dried Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad aboue, and one handfull beneath with prettie workes and compartiments, Diamant wise of red and other colours.

We carried with vs from Bristoll two excellent Mastiues, of whom the Indians were more afraid, then of twentie of our men. One of these Mastiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth. And one Master Thomas Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these Dogs, and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey hauing lost his fellowes, and returned safely. And when we would be rid of the Sauages company wee would let loose the Mastiues, and suddenly with out-cryes they would flee away. These people in colour are inclined to a swart, tawnie, or Chestnut colour, not by nature but accidentally, and doe weare their haire brayded in foure parts, and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind: in which haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and pleasure. They couer their priuities only with a piece of leather drawne betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before: whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco. They seeme to bee somewhat iealous of their women, for we saw not past two of them, who weare Aprons[58] of Leather skins before them downe to the knees, and a Beares skinne like an Irish Mantle ouer one shoulder. The men are of stature somewhat taller then our ordinary people, strong, swift, well proportioned, and giuen to treacherie, as in the end we perceiued.

Their Boats, whereof we brought one to Bristoll, were in proportion like a Wherrie of the Riuer of Thames, seuenteene foot long and foure foot broad, made of the Barke of a Birch-tree, farre exceeding in bignesse those of England: it was sowed together with strong and tough Oziers or twigs, and the seames couered ouer with Rozen or Turpentine little inferiour in sweetnesse to Frankincense, as we made triall by burning a little thereof on the coales at sundry times after our coming home: it was also open like a Wherrie, and sharpe at both ends, sauing that the beake was a little bending roundly vpward. And though it carried nine men standing vpright, yet it weighed not at the most aboue sixtie pounds in weight, a thing almost incredible in regard of the largenesse and capacitie thereof. Their Oares were flat at the end like an Ouen peele, made of Ash or Maple very light and strong, about two yards long, wherewith they row very swiftly: Passing vp a Riuer we saw certaine Cottages together, abandoned by the Sauages, and not farre off we beheld their Gardens and one among the[59] rest of an Acre of ground, and in the same was sowne Tobacco, Pompions, Cowcumbers and such like; and some of the people had Maiz or Indian Wheate among them. In the fields we found wild Pease, Strawberries very faire and bigge, Gooseberries, Raspices, Hurts, and other wild fruits.

Hauing spent three Weeks vpon the Coast before we came to this place where we meant to stay and take in our lading, according to our instructions giuen vs in charge before our setting forth, we pared and digged vp the Earth with shouels, and sowed Wheate, Barley, Oates, Pease, and sundry sorts of Garden Seeds, which for the time of our abode there, being about seuen Weeks, although they were late sowne, came vp very well, giuing certaine testimonie of the goodnesse of the Climate and of the Soyle. And it seemeth that Oade, Hempe, Flaxe, Rape-seed and such like which require a rich and fat ground, would prosper excellently in these parts. For in diuers places here we found grasse aboue knee deepe.

As for Trees the Country yeeldeth Sassafras a plant of souereigne vertue for the French Poxe, and as some of late haue learnedly written good against the Plague and many other Maladies; Vines, Cedars, Okes, Ashes, Beeches, Birch trees, Cherie trees bearing fruit whereof wee did eate, Hasels, Wich-hasels, the best[60] wood of all other to make Sope-ashes withall, Walnut-trees, Maples, holy to make Bird-lime with, and a kinde of tree bearing a fruit like a small red Peare-plum with a crowne or knop on the top (a plant whereof carefully wrapped vp in earth, Master Robert Salterne brought to Bristoll.) We found also low trees bearing faire Cheries. There were likewise a white kind of Plums which were growne to their perfect ripenesse. With diuers other sorts of trees to vs vnknowne.

The Beasts here are Stags, fallow Deere in abundance, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, Lusernes, and (some say) Tygres, Porcupines, and Dogges with sharpe and long noses, with many other sorts of wild beasts, whose Cases and Furres being hereafter purchased by exchange may yeeld no smal gaine to vs. Since as we are certainly informed, the Frenchmen brought from Canada the value of thirtie thousand Crownes in the yeare 1604. Almost in Beuers and Otters skinnes only. The most vsuall Fowles are Eagles, Vultures, Hawkes, Cranes, Herons, Crowes, Gulls, and great store of other Riuer and Sea-fowles. And as the Land is full of Gods good blessings, so is the Sea replenished with great abundance of excellent fish, as Cods sufficient to lade many ships, which we found vpon the Coast in the moneth of Iune, Seales to make Oile withall, Mullets, Turbuts, Mackerels, Herrings, Crabs,[61] Lobsters, Creuises and Muscles with ragged Pearles in them.

By the end of Iuly we had laded our small Barke called the Discouerer, Julywith as much Sassafras as we thought sufficient, and sent her home into England before, to giue some speedie contentment to the Aduenturers; who arriued safely in Kingrode aboue a fortnight before vs. After their departure we so bestirred our selues, that our shippe also had gotten in her lading, during which time there fell out this accident. On a day about noone tide while our men which vsed to cut down Sassafras in the Woods were asleepe, as they vsed to doe for two houres in the heat of the day, there came downe about seuen score Sauages armed with their Bowes and Arrowes, and enuironed our House or Barricado, wherein were foure of our men alone with their Muskets to keepe Centinell, whom they sought to haue come downe vnto them, which they vtterly refused, and stood vpon their guard. Our Master likewise being very carefull and circumspect hauing not past two with him in the shippe put the same in the best defence he could, lest they should haue inuaded the same, and caused a piece of great Ordnance to bee shot off, to giue terrour to the Indians, and warning to our men which were fast asleepe in the Woods: at the noyse of which Peece they were a little awaked, and beganne a little to call for Foole and Gallant,[62] their great and fearefull Mastiues, and full quietly laid themselues downe againe, but beeing quickned vp eftsoones againe with a second shot they rowsed vp themselues, betooke them to their weapons and with their Mastiues, great Foole with an halfe Pike in his mouth drew downe to their ship: whom when the Indians beheld afarre off, with the Mastiue which they most feared, in dissembling manner they turned all to a iest and sport, and departed away in friendly manner: yet not long after, euen the day before our departure, they set fire on the Woods where wee wrought, which wee did behold to burne for a mile space, and the very same day that wee weighed Anchor, they came downe to the shoare in greater number, to wit, very neere two hundred by our estimation, and some of them came in their Boates to our ship, and would haue had vs come in againe: but we sent them backe, and would none of their entertainment.

About the eighth or ninth of August, Augustwee left this excellent Hauen at the entrance whereof we found twentie fathomes water, and rode at our ease in seuen fathomes being Land-locked, the Hauen winding in compasse like the shell of a Snaile, and it is in latitude of one and forty degrees and fiue and twentie minutes.

This by the way is not to be forgotten, that our Captaine fell so much to the Northward[63] because he would find high grounds, where commonly the best Hauens are: which also fell out to his expectation. We also obserued that we could find no Sassafras but in sandie ground. In our returne we brought our selues into the latitude of eight and thirtie degrees about the Açores for certaine causes, and within fiue weekes space came from our Port of Virginia, into the Soundings of England, but there being long encountred with Easterly winds, we came at length into Kingrode, the second of October 1603. The Discouerer was out fiue moneths and an halfe. The Speedwell was out sixe moneths vpon the Voyage.

[64]
[65]

## Samuel de Champlain
1605
MAINE AND MASSACHUSETTS

[66]

Samuel de Champlain first demonstrated his talents as an observer of unfamiliar regions during a two years’ trip through the West Indies and to the City of Mexico. His report on these travels doubtless commended him to the French king, who appointed him in 1603 to accompany an expedition which visited the St. Lawrence in search of a suitable location for a settlement. The following year Champlain made another voyage to America with Sieur de Monts, who attempted to plant a colony in Nova Scotia. The location proving unsatisfactory, Champlain made three voyages toward the west, hoping to find a place more to his liking. In September, 1604, he visited Mount Desert, and sailed up the Penobscot as far as Bangor. In the summer of 1605 he sailed along the Maine and Massachusetts coasts as far as Nauset harbour on the outer shores of Cape Cod. In 1606 he continued his explorations, visiting Gloucester harbour, then crossing to Cape Cod, and following the coast around to Vineyard Sound.

Champlain made careful notes of all his observations, drawing maps and sketches of all important points. His reports were afterwards written out and sent home to France, where they were printed, the volumes going through several editions. An English translation of Champlain’s writings, by Dr. Charles P. Otis, with editorial notes by the Rev. E. F. Slafter, was issued in 1878 by the Prince Society of Boston, by whose courtesy that translation of chapters vii, viii, and ix of Champlain’s “Voyages,” printed at Paris in 1613, is now reprinted with some verbal changes.

Champlain’s Map of the Mouth of the Kennebec

[67]

Discovery of the Coast of the Almouchiquois as far as the Forty-Second Degree of Latitude, and Details of this Voyage.

ON the 18th of the month of June, 1605, 1605 JuneSieur de Monts set out from the Island of St. Croix with some gentlemen, twenty sailors, and a savage named Panounias, together with his wife, whom he was unwilling to leave behind. These we took, in order to serve us as guides to the country of the Almouchiquois, in the hope of exploring and learning more particularly by their aid what the character of this country was, especially since she was a native of it.

Coasting along inside of Manan, Manan Islandan island three leagues from the main land, we came to the Ranges on the seaward side, at one of which we anchored, where there was a large number of crows, of which our men captured a great many, and we called it the Isle aux Corneilles. Thence we went to the Island of Monts Deserts, Mount Desertat the entrance of the river Norumbegue,[68] as I have before stated, and sailed five or six leagues among many islands. Mouth of Penobscot RiverHere there came to us three savages in a canoe from Bedabedec Point, where their captain was; and, after we had had some conversation with them, they returned the same day.

On Friday, the 1st of July, Julywe set out from one of the islands at the mouth of the river, where there is a very good harbour for vessels of a hundred or a hundred and fifty tons. This day we made some twenty-five leagues between Bedabedec Point and many islands and rocks, which we explored as far as the river Quinibequy, Kennebec River at the mouth of which is a very high island, which we called the Tortoise. Seguin IslandBetween the latter and the main land there are some scattering rocks, which are covered at full tide, although the sea is then seen to break over them. Tortoise Island and the river lie south-south-east and north-north-west. As you enter, there are two medium-sized islands forming the entrance, one on one side, the other on the other; and some three hundred paces farther in are two rocks, where there is no wood, but some little grass. We anchored three hundred paces from the entrance in five and six fathoms of water. While in this place, we were overtaken by fogs, on account of which we resolved to enter, in order to see the upper part of the river and the savages who live there; and we set[69] out for this purpose on the 5th of the month. Having made some leagues, our barque came near being lost on a rock which we grazed in passing. Further on, Back Riverwe met two canoes which had come to hunt birds, which for the most part are moulting at this season, and cannot fly. We addressed these savages by aid of our own, who went to them with his wife, who made them understand the reason of our coming. We made friends with them and with the savages of this river, who served us as guides. Proceeding farther, in order to see their captain, named Manthoumermer, we passed, after we had gone seven or eight leagues, by some islands, straits, and brooks, Hockamock Baywhich extend along the river, where we saw some fine meadows. After we had coasted along an island some four leagues in length, Westport Islandthey conducted us to where their chief was with twenty-five or thirty savages, who as soon as we had anchored, Wiscasset Harbourcame to us in a canoe, separated a short distance from ten others, in which were those who accompanied him. Coming near our barque, he made an harangue, in which he expressed the pleasure it gave him to see us, and said that he desired to form an alliance with us and to make peace with his enemies through our mediation. He said that, on the next day, he would send to two other captains of savages, who were in the interior, one called Marchin, and the other[70] Sasinou, chief of the river Quinibequy. Sieur de Monts gave them some cakes and peas, with which they were greatly pleased. The next day they guided us down the river another way than that by which we had come, in order to go to a lake; and, passing by some islands, they left, each one of them, an arrow near a cape, Hockamock Pointwhere all the savages pass, and they believe that if they should not do this some misfortune would befall them, according to the persuasions of the devil. They live in such superstitions, and practice many others of the same sort. Beyond this cape we passed a very narrow waterfall, Hell Gatebut not without great difficulty; for, although we had a favorable and fresh wind, and trimmed our sails to receive it as well as possible, in order to see whether we could not pass it in that way, we were obliged to attach a hawser to some trees on shore and all pull on it. In this way, by means of our arms, together with the help of the wind, which was favourable to us, we succeeded in passing it. The savages who were with us carried their canoes by land, being unable to row them. After going over this fall, we saw some fine meadows. I was greatly surprised by this fall, since as we descended with the tide we found it in our favour, but contrary to us when we came to the fall. But, after we had passed it, it descended as before, which gave us great satisfaction. Pursuing our route, we came to[71] the lake, Merrymeeting Baywhich is from three to four leagues in length, where there are some islands, and two rivers enter it, the Quinibequy coming from the north-north-east, and the other from the north-west, Kennebec and Androscoggin Riverswhence Marchin and Sasinou were to come. Having awaited them all this day, and seeing that they did not come, we resolved to improve our time. We weighed anchor accordingly, and there accompanied us two savages from this lake to serve as guides. The same day we anchored at the mouth of the river, where we caught a large number of excellent fish of various sorts. Meanwhile, our savages went hunting, but did not return. The route by which we descended this river is much safer and better than that by which we went up. Tortoise Island before the mouth of this river is in latitude 44°; and 19° 12′ of the deflection of the magnetic needle. Real latitude 43° 42′ 25″They go by this river across the country to Quebec some fifty leagues, making only one portage of two leagues. After the portage, you enter another little stream Chaudière River which flows into the great river St. Lawrence. This river Quinibequy is very dangerous for vessels half a league from its mouth, on account of the small amount of water, great tides, rocks and shoals that are there outside as well as within. But it has a good channel, if it were well marked out. The little of the country which I have seen, along the shores of the river,[72] is very poor, for there are only rocks on all sides. There are a great many small oaks, and very little arable land. This place abounds in fish, as do the other rivers which I have mentioned. The people live like those in the neighbourhood of our settlement; and they told us that the savages who plant the Indian corn dwelt very far in the interior, and that they had given up planting it on the coasts on account of the war they had with others, who came and took it away. This is what I have been able to learn about this region, which I think is no better than the others.

On the 8th of the month, we set out from the mouth of this river, which we could not do sooner on account of the fogs. We made that day some four leagues, and passed a bay, Casco Bay where there are a great many islands. From here large mountains are seen to the west, White Mountainsin which is the dwelling-place of a savage captain called Aneda, who encamps near the river Quinibequy. I was satisfied from this name that it was one of his tribe that had discovered the plant called Aneda, which Jacques Cartier said was so powerful against the malady called scurvy, of which we have already spoken, which harassed his company as well as our own, when they wintered in Canada. The savages have no knowledge whatever of this plant, and are not aware of its existence, although the above-mentioned[73] savage has the same name. The following day we made eight leagues. As we passed along the coast, we perceived two columns of smoke which some savages made to attract our attention. We went in the direction of them and anchored behind a small island near the main land, Prout’s Neckwhere we saw more than eighty savages running along the shore to see us, dancing and giving expression to their joy. Sieur de Monts sent two men together with our savage to visit them. After they had spoken some time with them, and assured them of our friendship, we left with them one of our number, and they delivered to us one of their companions as a hostage. Meanwhile, Sieur de Monts visited an island, Richmond Islandwhich is very beautiful in view of what it produces; for it has fine oaks and nut-trees, the soil cleared up, and many vineyards bearing beautiful grapes in their season, which were the first we had seen on all these coasts from the Cap de la Hève. We named it Isle de Bacchus. It being full tide, we weighed anchor and entered a little river, which we could not sooner do; Saco Riverfor there is a bar, there being at low tide only half a fathom of water, at full tide a fathom and a half, and at the highest water two fathoms. On the other side of the bar there are three, four, five, and six fathoms. When we had anchored, a large number of savages came to us on the bank of[74] the river, and began to dance. Their captain, whom they called Honemechin, was not with them at the time. He arrived about two or three hours later with two canoes, when he came sweeping entirely round our barque. Our savage could understand only a few words, as the language of the Almouchiquois (as this nation is called) differs entirely from that of the Souriquois and Etechemins. These people gave signs of being greatly pleased. Their chief had a good figure, was young and agile. We sent some articles of merchandise on shore to barter with them; but they had nothing but their robes to give in exchange, for they preserve only such furs as they need for their garments. Sieur de Monts ordered some provisions to be given to their chief, with which he was greatly pleased, and came several times to the side of our boat to see us. These savages shave off the hair far up on the head, and wear what remains very long, which they comb and twist behind in various ways very neatly, intertwined with feathers which they attach to the head. They paint their faces black and red, like the other savages which we have seen. They are an agile people, with well-formed bodies. Their weapons are pikes, clubs, bows and arrows, at the end of which some attach the tail of a fish called the signoc, others bones, while the arrows of others are entirely of wood. They[75] till and cultivate the soil, something which we have not hitherto observed. In the place of ploughs, they use an instrument of very hard wood, shaped like a spade. This river is called by the inhabitants of the country Choüacoet.

The next day Sieur de Monts and I landed to observe their tillage on the bank of the river. We saw their Indian corn, which they raise in gardens. Planting three or four kernels in one place, they then heap up about it a quantity of earth with shells of the signoc before mentioned. Then three feet distant they plant as much more, and thus in succession. With this corn they put in each hill three or four Brazilian beans, which are of different colours. When they grow up, they interlace with the corn, which reaches to the height of from five to six feet. They keep the ground very free from weeds. We saw there many squashes, and pumpkins, and tobacco, which they likewise cultivate.

The Indian corn which we saw was at that time about two feet high, some of it as high as three. The beans were beginning to flower, as also the pumpkins and squashes. They plant their corn in May, and gather it in September.

We saw also a great many white nuts, which are small and have several divisions. There were as yet none on the trees, but we found plenty under them, from the preceding year. We saw also many grape-vines, on which there[76] was a remarkably fine berry, from which we made some very good verjuice. We had heretofore seen grapes only on the Island of Bacchus, distant nearly two leagues from this river. Their permanent abode, the tillage, and the fine trees led us to conclude that the air here is milder and better than that where we passed the winter, and at the other places we visited on the coast. But I cannot believe that there is not here a considerable degree of cold, although it is in latitude 43° 45′. The forests in the interior are very thin, although abounding in oaks, beeches, ashes, and elms; in wet places there are many willows. The savages dwell permanently in this place, and have a large cabin surrounded by palisades made of rather large trees placed by the side of each other, in which they take refuge when their enemies make war upon them. They cover their cabins with oak bark. This place is very pleasant, and as agreeable as any to be seen. The river is very abundant in fish, and is bordered by meadows. At the mouth there is a small island Ram Islandadapted for the construction of a good fortress, where one could be in security.

On Sunday, the 12th of the month, we set out from the river Choüacoet. After coasting along some six or seven leagues, a contrary wind arose, which obliged us to anchor and go ashore, Wells Neckwhere we saw two meadows, each a[77] league in length and half a league in breadth. We saw there two savages, whom at first we took to be the great birds called bustards, to be found in this country; who, as soon as they caught sight of us, took flight into the woods, and were not seen again. From Choüacoet to this place, where we saw some little birds, which sing like blackbirds, and are black excepting the ends of the wings, which are orange-coloured, there is a large number of grape-vines and nut-trees. This coast is sandy, for the most part, all the way from Quinibequy. This day we returned two or three leagues towards Choüacoet, as far as a cape which we called Island Harbour, Cape Porpoisefavourable for vessels of a hundred tons, about which are three islands. Heading north-east a quarter north, one can enter another harbour near this place, to which there is no approach, although there are islands, except the one where you enter. At the entrance there are some dangerous reefs. There are in these islands so many red currants that one sees for the most part nothing else, and an infinite number of pigeons, of which we took a great quantity. This Island Harbour is in latitude 43° 25′.

On the 15th of the month we made twelve leagues. Coasting along, we perceived a smoke on the shore, which we approached as near as possible, but saw no savage, which led us to believe that they had fled. The sun set, and we[78] could find no harbour for that night, since the coast was flat and sandy. Keeping off, and heading south, in order to find an anchorage, after proceeding about two leagues, we observed a cape on the main land south a quarter south-east of us, some six leagues distant. Cape AnneTwo leagues to the east we saw three or four rather high islands, Isles of Shoals and on the west a large bay. The shore of this bay, reaching as far as the cape, extends inland from where we were perhaps four leagues. It has a breadth of two leagues from north to south, and three at its entrance. Not observing any place favourable for putting in, we resolved to go to the cape above mentioned with short sail, which occupied a portion of the night. Approaching to where there were sixteen fathoms of water, we anchored until daybreak.

On the next day we went to the above-mentioned cape, where there are three islands near the main land, full of wood of different kinds, as at Choüacoet and all along the coast; and still another flat one, where there are breakers, and which extends a little farther out to sea than the others, on which there is no wood at all. We named this place Island Cape, near which we saw a canoe containing five or six savages, who came out near our barque, and then went back and danced on the beach. Sieur de Monts sent me on shore to observe them, and to give each one of them a knife and some[79] biscuit, which caused them to dance again better than before. This over, I made them understand, as well as I could, that I desired them to show me the course of the shore. After I had drawn with a crayon the bay, and the Island Cape, where we were, with the same crayon they drew the outline of another bay, which they represented as very large; here they placed six pebbles at equal distances apart, giving me to understand by this that these signs represented as many chiefs and tribes. Then they drew within the first mentioned bay a river which we had passed, Merrimac Riverwhich has shoals and is very long. We found in this place a great many vines, the green grapes on which were a little larger than peas, also many nut-trees, the nuts on which were no larger than musket-balls. The savages told us that all those inhabiting this country cultivated the land and sowed seeds like the others, whom we had before seen. The latitude of this place is 43° and some minutes. Sailing half a league farther, we observed several savages on a rocky point, who ran along the shore to their companions, dancing as they went, to inform them of our coming. After pointing out to us the direction of their abode, they made a signal with smoke to show us the place of their settlement. We anchored near a little island, Thatcher’s Islandand sent our canoe with knives and cakes for the savages. From the large number[80] of those we saw, we concluded that these places were better inhabited than the others we had seen.

After a stay of some two hours for the sake of observing these people, whose canoes are made of birch bark, like those of the Canadians, Souriquois, and Etechemins, we weighed anchor and set sail with a promise of fine weather. Continuing our course to the west-south-west, we saw numerous islands on one side and the other. Having sailed seven or eight leagues, we anchored near an island, Boston Harbourwhence we observed many smokes along the shore, and many savages running up to see us. Sieur de Monts sent two or three men in a canoe to them, to whom he gave some knives and paternosters to present to them; with which they were greatly pleased, and danced several times in acknowledgment. We could not ascertain the name of their chief, as we did not know their language. All along the shore there is a great deal of land cleared up and planted with Indian corn. The country is very pleasant and agreeable, and there is no lack of fine trees. The canoes of those who live there are made of a single piece, and are very liable to turn over if one is not skilful in managing them. We had not before seen any of this kind. They are made in the following manner. After cutting down, at a cost of much labour and time, the largest and tallest tree they[81] can find, by means of stone hatchets (for they have no others except some few which they received from the savages on the coasts of La Cadie, who obtained them in exchange for furs), they remove the bark, and round off the tree except on one side, where they apply fire gradually along its entire length; and sometimes they put red-hot pebble-stones on top. When the fire is too fierce, they extinguish it with a little water, not entirely, but so that the edge of the boat may not be burnt. It being hollowed out as much as they wish, they scrape it all over with stones, which they use instead of knives. These stones resemble our musket flints.

On the next day, the 17th of the month, we weighed anchor to go to a cape we had seen the day before, which seemed to lie on our south-south-west. This day we were able to make only five leagues, and we passed by some islands covered with wood. I observed in the bay all that the savages had described to me at Island Cape. As we continued our course, large numbers came to us in canoes from the islands and main land. We anchored a league from a cape, which we named St. Louis, Brant Rock Pointwhere we noticed smoke in several places. While in the act of going there, our barque grounded on a rock, where we were in great danger, for, if we had not speedily got it off, it would have overturned[82] in the sea, since the tide was falling all around, and there were five or six fathoms of water. But God preserved us, and we anchored near the above-named cape, when there came to us fifteen or sixteen canoes of savages. In some of them there were fifteen or sixteen, who began to manifest great signs of joy, and made various harangues, which we could not in the least understand. Sieur de Monts sent three or four men on shore in our canoe, not only to get water, but to see their chief, whose name was Honabetha. The latter had a number of knives and other trifles, which Sieur de Monts gave him, when he came alongside to see us, together with some of his companions, who were present both along the shore and in their canoes. We received the chief very cordially, and made him welcome; who, after remaining some time, went back. Those whom we had sent to them brought us some little squashes as big as the fist, which we ate as a salad, like cucumbers, and which we found very good. They brought also some purslane, which grows in large quantities among the Indian corn, and of which they make no more account than of weeds. We saw here a great many little houses, scattered over the fields where they plant their Indian corn.

There is, moreover, in this bay a very broad river, which we named River du Guast. Charles RiverIt[83] stretches, as it seemed to me, towards the Iroquois, a nation in open warfare with the Montagnais, who live on the great river St. Lawrence.

Continuation of the Discoveries along the Coast of the Almouchiquois, and what we observed in detail.

THE next day we doubled Cap St. Louis, so named by Sieur de Monts, a land rather low, and in latitude 42° 45′. The same day we sailed two leagues along a sandy coast, as we passed along which we saw a great many cabins and gardens. The wind being contrary, we entered a little bay to await a time favourable for proceeding. Plymouth HarbourThere came to us two or three canoes, which had just been fishing for cod and other fish, which are found there in large numbers. These they catch with hooks made of a piece of wood, to which they attach a bone in the shape of a spear, and fasten it very securely. The whole has a fang-shape, and the line attached to it is made out of the bark of a tree. They gave me one of their hooks, which I took as a curiosity. In it the bone was fastened on by hemp, like that in France, as it seemed to me, and they told me[84] that they gathered this plant without being obliged to cultivate it; and indicated that it grew to the height of four or five feet. This canoe went back on shore to give notice to their fellow inhabitants, who caused columns of smoke to arise on our account. We saw eighteen or twenty savages, who came to the shore and began to dance. Our canoe landed in order to give them some bagatelles, at which they were greatly pleased. Some of them came to us and begged us to go to their river. We weighed anchor to do so, but were unable to enter on account of the small amount of water, it being low tide, and were accordingly obliged to anchor at the mouth. I went ashore, where I saw many others, who received us very cordially. I made also an examination of the river, but saw only an arm of water extending a short distance inland, where the land is only in part cleared up. Running into this is merely a brook not deep enough for boats except at full tide. The circuit of the bay is about a league. On one side of the entrance to this bay there is a point which is almost an island, covered with wood, principally pines, with sand-banks, which are very extensive, all about. On the other side, the land is high. There are two islets in this bay, which are not seen until one has entered, and around which it is almost entirely dry at low tide. This place is very conspicuous from[85] the sea, for the coast is very low, excepting the cape at the entrance to the bay. We named it the Port du Cap St. Louis, distant two leagues from the above cape, and ten from the Island Cape. It is in about the same latitude as Cap St. Louis.

On the 19th of the month, we set out from this place. Coasting along in a southerly direction, we sailed four or five leagues, and passed near a rock on a level with the surface of the water. As we continued our course, we saw some land which seemed to us to be islands, but as we came nearer we found it to be the main land, lying to the north-north-west of us, and that it was the cape of a large bay, containing more than eighteen or nineteen leagues in circuit, into which we had run so far that we had to wear off on the other tack in order to double the cape which we had seen. Cape CodThe latter we named Cap Blanc, since it consisted of sands and downs which had a white appearance. A favourable wind was of great assistance to us here, for otherwise we should have been in danger of being driven upon the coast. This bay is very safe, provided the land be not approached nearer than a good league, there being no islands nor rocks except that just mentioned, which is near a river that extends some distance inland, which we named St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc, Wellfleet Harbour whence across to Cap St. Louis the distance is[86] ten leagues. Cap Blanc is a point of sand, which bends around towards the south some six leagues. This coast is rather high, and consists of sand, which is very conspicuous as one comes from the sea. At a distance of some fifteen or eighteen leagues from land, the depth of the water is thirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, but only ten on nearing the shore, which is unobstructed. There is a large extent of open country along the shore before reaching the woods, which are very attractive and beautiful. We anchored off the coast, and saw some savages, towards whom four of our company proceeded. Making their way upon a sand-bank, they observed something like a bay, and cabins bordering it on all sides. When they were about a league and a half from us, there came to them a savage dancing all over, as they expressed it. He had come down from the high shore, but turned about shortly after to inform his fellow inhabitants of our arrival.

The next day, the 20th of the month, we went to the place which our men had seen, and which we found a very dangerous harbour Nauset Harbour in consequence of the shoals and banks, where we saw breakers in all directions. It was almost low tide when we entered, and there were only four feet of water in the northern passage; at high tide, there are two fathoms. After we had entered, we found the place very spacious, being perhaps three or four leagues in circuit, entirely[87] surrounded by little houses, around each one of which there was as much land as the occupant needed for his support. A small river enters here, which is very pretty, and in which at low tide there are some three and a half feet of water. There are also two or three brooks bordered by meadows. It would be a very fine place, if the harbour were good. I took the altitude, and found the latitude 42°, and the deflection of the magnetic needle 18° 40′. Many savages, men and women, visited us, and ran up on all sides dancing. We named this place Port de Mallebarre.

The next day, the 21st of the month, Sieur de Monts determined to go and see their habitations. Nine or ten of us accompanied him with our arms; the rest remained to guard the barque. We went about a league along the coast. Before reaching their cabins, we entered a field planted with Indian corn in the manner before described. The corn was in flower, and five and a half feet high. There was some less advanced, which they plant later. We saw many Brazilian beans, and many squashes of various sizes, very good for eating; some tobacco, and roots which they cultivate, the latter having the taste of an artichoke. The woods are filled with oaks, nut-trees, and beautiful cypresses, which are of a reddish colour and have a very pleasant odour. There were also several fields[88] entirely uncultivated, the land being allowed to remain fallow. When they wish to plant it, they set fire to the weeds, and then work it over with their wooden spades. Their cabins are round, and covered with heavy thatch made of reeds. In the roof there is an opening of about a foot and a half, whence the smoke from the fire passes out. We asked them if they had their permanent abode in this place, and whether there was much snow. But we were unable to ascertain this fully from them, not understanding their language, although they made an attempt to inform us by signs, by taking some sand in their hands, spreading it out over the ground, and indicating that it was of the colour of our collars, and that it reached the depth of a foot. Others made signs that there was less, and gave us to understand also that the harbour never froze; but we were unable to ascertain whether the snow lasted long. I conclude, however, that this region is of moderate temperature, and the winter not severe. While we were there, there was a north-east storm, which lasted four days; the sky being so overcast that the sun hardly shone at all. It was very cold, and we were obliged to put on our great-coats, which we had entirely left off. Yet I think the cold was accidental, as it is often experienced elsewhere out of season.

On the 23d of July, four or five seamen[89] having gone on shore with some kettles to get fresh water, which was to be found in one of the sand-banks a short distance from our barque, some of the savages, coveting them, watched the time when our men went to the spring, and then seized one out of the hands of a sailor, who was the first to dip, and who had no weapons. One of his companions, starting to run after him, soon returned, as he could not catch him, since he ran much faster than himself. The other savages, of whom there were a large number, seeing our sailors running to our barque, and at the same time shouting to us to fire at them, took to flight. At the time there were some of them in our barque, who threw themselves into the sea, only one of whom we were able to seize. Those on the land who had taken to flight, seeing them swimming, returned straight to the sailor from whom they had taken away the kettle, hurled several arrows at him from behind, and brought him down. Seeing this, they ran at once to him, and despatched him with their knives. Meanwhile, haste was made to go on shore, and muskets were fired from our barque: mine, bursting in my hands, came near killing me. The savages, hearing this discharge of fire-arms, took to flight, and with redoubled speed when they saw that we had landed, for they were afraid when they saw us running after them. There was no likelihood[90] of our catching them, for they are as swift as horses. We brought in the murdered man, and he was buried some hours later. Meanwhile, we kept the prisoner bound by the feet and hands on board of our barque, fearing that he might escape. But Sieur de Monts resolved to let him go, being persuaded that he was not to blame, and that he had no previous knowledge of what had transpired, as also those who, at the time, were in and about our barque. Some hours later there came some savages to us, to excuse themselves, indicating by signs and demonstrations that it was not they who had committed this malicious act, but others farther off in the interior. We did not wish to harm them, although it was in our power to avenge ourselves.

All these savages from the Island Cape wear neither robes nor furs, except very rarely: moreover, their robes are made of grasses and hemp, scarcely covering the body, and coming down only to their thighs. They have only the private parts concealed with a small piece of leather; so likewise the women, with whom it comes down a little lower behind than with the men, all the rest of the body being naked. Whenever the women came to see us, they wore robes which were open in front. The men cut off the hair on the top of the head like those at the river Choüacoet. I saw, among other things, a girl with her hair very neatly dressed, with a skin[91] coloured red, and bordered on the upper part with little shell-beads. A part of her hair hung down behind, the rest being braided in various ways. These people paint the face red, black, and yellow. They have scarcely any beard, and tear it out as fast as it grows. Their bodies are well-proportioned. I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in this respect they resemble their neighbours, who have none at all. They know not how to worship or pray; yet, like the other savages, they have some superstitions, which I shall describe in their place. As for weapons, they have only pikes, clubs, bows and arrows. It would seem from their appearance that they have a good disposition, better than those of the north, but they are all in fact of no great worth. Even a slight intercourse with them gives you at once a knowledge of them. They are great thieves and, if they cannot lay hold of any thing with their hands, they try to do so with their feet, as we have oftentimes learned by experience. I am of opinion that, if they had any thing to exchange with us, they would not give themselves to thieving. They bartered away to us their bows, arrows and quivers, for pins and buttons; and if they had had any thing else better they would have done the same with it. It is necessary to be on one’s guard against this people, and live in a state of distrust of them,[92] yet without letting them perceive it. They gave us a large quantity of tobacco, which they dry and then reduce to powder. When they eat Indian corn, they boil it in earthen pots, which they make in a way different from ours. They pound it also in wooden mortars and reduce it to flour, of which they then make cakes, like the Indians of Peru.

In this place and along the whole coast from Quinibequy, there are a great many siguenocs, Horseshoe Crab which is a fish with a shell on its back like the tortoise, yet different, there being in the middle a row of little prickles, of the colour of a dead leaf, like the rest of the fish. At the end of this shell, there is another still smaller, bordered by very sharp points. The length of the tail varies according to their size. With the end of it, these people point their arrows, and it contains also a row of prickles like the large shell in which are the eyes. There are eight small feet like those of the crab, and two behind longer and flatter, which they use in swimming. There are also in front two other very small ones with which they eat. When walking, all the feet are concealed excepting the two hindermost, which are slightly visible. Under the small shell there are membranes which swell up, and beat like the throat of a frog, and rest upon each other like the folds of a waistcoat. The largest specimen of this fish[93] that I saw was a foot broad, and a foot and a half long.

We saw also a sea-bird with a black beak, the upper part slightly aquiline, four inches long and in the form of a lancet; namely, the lower part representing the handle and the upper the blade, which is thin, sharp on both sides, and shorter by a third than the other, which circumstance is a matter of astonishment to many persons, who cannot comprehend how it is possible for this bird to eat with such a beak. It is of the size of a pigeon, the wings being very long in proportion to the body, the tail short, as also the legs, which are red; the feet being small and flat. The plumage on the upper part is gray-brown, and on the under part pure white. They go always in flocks along the sea-shore, like the pigeons with us.

The savages, along all these coasts where we have been, say that other birds, which are very large, come along when their corn is ripe. They imitated for us their cry, which resembles that of the turkey. They showed us their feathers in several places, with which they feather their arrows, and which they put on their heads for decoration; and also a kind of hair which they have under the throat like those we have in France, and they say that a red crest falls over upon the beak. According to their description, they are as large as a bustard, which is a kind[94] of goose, having the neck longer and twice as large as those with us. All these indications led us to conclude that they were turkeys. We should have been very glad to see some of these birds, as well as their feathers, for the sake of greater certainty. Before seeing their feathers, and the little bunch of hair which they have under the throat, and hearing their cry imitated, I should have thought that they were certain birds like turkeys, which are found in some places in Peru, along the sea-shore, eating carrion and other dead things like crows. But these are not so large; nor do they have so long a wattle, or a cry like that of real turkeys; nor are they good to eat like those which the Indians say come in flocks in summer, and at the beginning of winter go away to warmer countries, their natural dwelling-place.

Return from the Discoveries along the Coast of the Almouchiquois.

WE had spent more than five weeks in going over three degrees of latitude, and our voyage was limited to six, since we had not taken provisions for a longer time. In consequence of fogs and storms, we had not been able to go farther than Mallebarre,[95] where we waited several days for fair weather, in order to sail. Finding ourselves accordingly pressed by the scantiness of provisions, Sieur de Monts determined to return to the Island of St. Croix, in order to find another place more favourable for our settlement, as we had not been able to do on any of the coasts which we had explored on this voyage.

Accordingly, on the 25th of July, we set out from this harbour, in order to make observations elsewhere. In going out, we came near being lost on the bar at the entrance, from the mistake of our pilots, Cramolet and Champdoré, masters of the barque, who had imperfectly marked out the entrance of the channel on the southern side, where we were to go. Having escaped this danger, we headed north-east for six leagues, until we reached Cap Blanc, sailing on from there to Island Cape, a distance of fifteen leagues, with the same wind. Then we headed east-north-east sixteen leagues, as far as Choüacoet, where we saw the savage chief, Marchin, whom we had expected to see at the Lake Quinibequy. He had the reputation of being one of the valiant ones of his people. He had a fine appearance: all his motions were dignified, savage as he was. Sieur de Monts gave him many presents, with which he was greatly pleased; and, in return, Marchin gave him a young Etechemin boy, whom he had[96] captured in war, and whom we took away with us; and thus we set out, mutually good friends. We headed north-east a quarter east for fifteen leagues, as far as Quinibequy, where we arrived on the 29th of the month, and where we were expecting to find a savage, named Sasinou, of whom I spoke before. Thinking that he would come, we waited some time for him, in order to recover from him an Etechemin young man and girl, whom he was holding as prisoners. While waiting, there came to us a captain called Anassou, who trafficked a little in furs, and with whom we made an alliance. Waymouth in the ArchangelHe told us that there was a ship, ten leagues off the harbour, which was engaged in fishing, and that those on her had killed five savages of this river, under cover of friendship. From his description of the men on the vessel, we concluded that they were English, and we named the Island where they were La Nef; Monheganfor, at a distance, it had the appearance of a ship. Finding that the above-mentioned Sasinou did not come, we headed east-south-east, for twenty leagues, to Isle Haute, where we anchored until morning.

On the next day, the 1st of August, Augustwe sailed east some twenty leagues to Cap Corneille, where we spent the night. Machias BayOn the 2d of the month, we sailed north-east seven leagues to the mouth of the river St. Croix, on the western shore. Having anchored between the two first[97] islands, Campobello and EastportSieur de Monts embarked in a canoe, at a distance of six leagues from the settlement of St. Croix, where we arrived the next day with our barque. We found there Sieur des Antons of St. Malo, who had come in one of the vessels of Sieur de Monts, to bring provisions and also other supplies for those who were to winter in this country.

[98]
[99]

## George Waymouth
1605
ST. GEORGE’S RIVER

[100]

George Waymouth was sent to the Maine coast in 1605 to select a location for a settlement. His employers, the Earl of Southampton and Thomas Arundell, had some definite purpose in mind, but their plans were never fulfilled, and nothing is now known regarding their intentions. Hon. James Phinney Baxter, in his life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, published at Portland in 1890, suggested that Arundell, who was a papal count, may have had some scheme for establishing a colony in which Roman Catholic Englishmen might find a refuge in case of a renewal of persecution in England. A document in the Roman archives shows that a Catholic priest accompanied Waymouth’s ship. He may have been the James Rosier who wrote an account of the voyage, which was printed at London shortly after the return.

Second English Book relating to New England
A
TRVE RELATION
of the most prosperous voyage
made this present yeere 1605,
by Captaine George Waymouth,
in the Discouery of the land
of Virginia.
Where he discouered 60 miles vp
a most excellent Riuer; together
with a most
fertile land.
Written by Iames Rosier,
a Gentleman employed
in the voyage.
LONDINI
Impensis Geor. Bishop.
1605.

[101]

A TRUE RELATION of Captaine George Waymouth his Voyage, made this present yeere 1605; in the Discouerie of the North part of Virginia.

VPON Tuesday the 5 day of March, 1605 March about ten a clocke afore noone, we set saile from Ratcliffe, and came to an anker that tide about two a clocke before Grauesend.

From thence the 10 of March being Sunday at night we ankered in the Downes: and there rode til the next day about three a clocke after noone, when with a scant winde we set saile; and by reason the winde continued Southwardly, we were beaten vp and doune: but on Saturday the 16 day about foure a clocke after noon we put into Dartmouth Hauen, where the continuance of the winde at South & Southwest constrained vs to ride till the last of this moneth. There we shipped some of our men and supplied necessaries for our Ship and Voyage.

[102]

Upon Easter day, being the last of March, the winde comming at North-North-East, about fiue a clocke after noone we wayed anker, and put to sea. In the name of God, being well victualled and furnished with munition and all necessaries: Our whole Company being but 29 persons; of whom I may boldly say, few voyages have beene manned forth with better Sea-men generally in respect of our small number.

Munday the next day, being the first of Aprill, April by sixe a clocke in the morning we were sixe leagues South-South-East from the Lizarde.

At two a clocke in the afternoone this day, the weather being very faire, our Captaine for his owne experience and others with him sounded, and had sixe and fiftie fathoms and a halfe. The sounding was some small blacke perrie sand, some reddish sand, a match or two, with small shels called Saint James his Shels.

The foureteenth of Aprill being Sunday, betweene nine and ten of the clocke in the morning our Captaine descried the Iland Cueruo: which bare South-West and by West, about seuen leagues from vs: by eleuen of the clocke we descried Flores to the Southward of Cueruo, as it lieth: by foure a clocke in the afternoone we brought Cueruo due South from vs within two leagues of the shore, but we touched not, because the winde was faire, and we thought our selues sufficiently watered and wooded.

[103]

Heere our Captaine obserued the Sunne, and found himselfe in the latitude of 40 degrees and 7 minutes: so he judged the North part of Cueruo to be in 40 degrees. After we had kept our course about a hundred leagues from the Ilands, by continuall Southerly windes we were forced and driuen from the Southward, whither we first intended. And when our Captaine by long beating saw it was but in vaine to striue with windes, not knowing Gods purposes heerein to our further blessing, (which after by his especiall direction wee found) he thought best to stand as nigh as he could by the winde to recouer what land we might first discouer.

Munday, the 6 of May, Maybeing in the latitude of 39 and a halfe about ten a clocke afore noone, we came to a riplin, which we discerned a head our ship, which is a breach of water caused either by a fall, or by some meeting of currents, which we judged this to be; for the weather being very faire, and a small gale of winde, we sounded and found no ground in a hundred fathoms.

Munday, the 13 of May, about eleuen a clocke afore noone, our Captaine, judging we were not farre from land, sounded, and had a soft oaze in a hundred and sixty fathomes. At fowre a clocke after noone we sounded againe, and had the same oaze in a hundred fathoms.

From ten a clocke that night till three a[104] clocke in the morning, our Captaine tooke in all sailes and lay at hull, being desirous to fall with the land in the day time, because it was an unknowen coast, which it pleased God in his mercy to grant vs, otherwise we had run our ship vpon the hidden rockes and perished all. For when we set saile we sounded in 100 fathoms: and by eight a clock, hauing not made aboue fiue or six leagues, our Captaine vpon a sudden change of water (supposing verily he saw the sand) presently sounded, and had but fiue fathoms. Much maruelling because we saw no land, he sent one to the top, who thence descried a whitish sandy cliffe, Sankaty Headwhich bare West-North-West about six leagues off from vs: but comming neerer within three or fowre leagues, we saw many breaches still neerer the land: at last we espied a great breach a head vs al along the shore, into which before we should enter, our Captaine thought best to hoise out his ship boate and sound it. Which if he had not done, we had beene in great danger: for he bare vp the ship, as neere as he durst after the boate: vntill Thomas Cam, his mate, being in the boat, called to him to tacke about & stand off, for in this breach he had very showld water, two fathoms and lesse vpon rockes, and sometime they supposed they saw the rocke within three or fowre foote, whereon the sea made a very strong breach: which we might discerne (from[105] the top) to run along as we sailed by it 6 or 7 leagues to the Southward. This was in the latitude of 41 degrees, 20 minuts: wherefore we were constrained to put backe againe from the land: and sounding, (the weather being very faire and a small winde) we found our selues embaied with continuall showldes and rockes in a most uncertaine ground, from five or sixe fathoms, at the next cast of the lead we should haue 15 & 18 fathoms. Ouer many which we passed, and God so blessed vs, that we had wind and weather as faire as poore men in this distresse could wish: whereby we both perfectly discerned euery breach, and with the winde were able to turne, where we saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted from the land, which we had not so much before desired, and at the first sight rejoiced, as now we all joifully praised God, that it had pleased him to deliuer vs from so imminent danger.

Heere we found great store of excellent Cod fish, and saw many Whales, as we had done two or three daies before.

We stood off all that night, and the next day being Wednesday; but the wind still continuing between the points of South-South-West, and West-South-West: so as we could not make any way to the Southward, in regard of our great want of water and wood (which was now spent) we much desired land and therefore[106] sought for it, where the wind would best suffer vs to refresh our selues.

Thursday, the 16 of May, we stood in directly with the land, and much maruelled we descried it not, wherein we found our sea charts very false, putting land where none is.

Friday, the 17 of May, about sixe a clocke at night we descried the land, which bare from vs North-North-East; but because it blew a great gale of winde, the sea very high and neere night, not fit to come vpon an vnknowen coast, we stood off till two a clocke in the morning, being Saturday: then standing in with it againe, we descried it by eight a clocke in the morning, bearing North-East from vs. It appeared a meane high land, as we after found it, Monheganbeing but an Iland of some six miles in compasse, but I hope the most fortunate euer yet discouered. About twelve a clocke that day, we came to an anker on the North side of this Iland, about a league from the shore. About two a clocke our Captaine with twelue men rowed in his ship boat to the shore, where we made no long stay, but laded our boat with dry wood of olde trees vpon the shore side, and returned to our ship, where we rode that night.

This Iland is woody, growen with Firre, Birch, Oke and Beech, as farre as we saw along the shore; and so likely to be within. On the verge grow Gooseberries, Strawberries, Wild[107] pease, and Wild rose bushes. The water issued foorth downe the Rocky cliffes in many places: and much fowle of diuers kinds breed vpon the shore and rocks.

While we were at shore, our men aboord with a few hooks got aboue thirty great Cods and Hadocks, which gaue vs a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found afterward wheresoeuer we went vpon the coast.

From hence we might discerne the maine land from the West-South-West to the East-North-East, and a great way (as it then seemed, and as we after found it) vp into the maine we might discerne very high mountaines, Camden Hillsthough the maine seemed but low land; which gaue vs a hope it would please God to direct vs to the discouerie of some good; although wee were driuen by winds farre from that place, whither (both by our direction and desire) we euer intended to shape the course of our voyage.

The next day being Whit-Sunday; because we rode too much open to the sea and windes, we weyed anker about twelue a clocke, and came along to the other Ilands more adjoyning to the maine, and in the rode directly with the mountaines, about three leagues from the first Iland where we had ankered.

When we came neere vnto them (sounding all along in a good depth) our Captaine manned[108] his ship-boat and sent her before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates, whom he knew to be of good experience, to sound & search betweene the Ilands for a place safe for our shippe to ride in; St. George’s Islandsin the meane while we kept aloofe at sea, hauing giuen them in the boat a token to weffe in the ship, if he found a conuenient Harbour; which it pleased God to send vs, farre beyond our expectation, in a most safe birth defended from all windes, in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthen, in six, seuen, eight, nine and ten fathoms vpon a clay oaze very tough.

We all with great joy praised God for his vnspeakable goodnesse, who had from so apparent danger deliuered vs, & directed vs vpon this day into so secure an Harbour: in remembrance whereof we named it Pentecost harbor, we arriuing there that day out of our last Harbor in England, from whence we set saile vpon Easterday.

About foure a clocke, after we were ankered and well mored, our Captaine with halfe a dozen of our Company went on shore to seeke fresh watering, and a conuenient place to set together a pinnesse, which we brought in pieces out of England; both which we found very fitting.

Vpon this Iland, as also vpon the former, we found (at our first comming to shore) where[109] fire had beene made: and about the place were very great egge shelles bigger than goose egges, fish bones, and as we judged, the bones of some beast.

Here we espied Cranes stalking on the shore of a little Iland adjoyning; where we after saw they vsed to breed.

Whitsun-munday, the 20 day of May, very early in the morning, our Captaine caused the pieces of the pinnesse to be carried a shore, where while some were busied about her, others digged welles to receiue the fresh water, which we found issuing downe out of the land in many places. Heere I cannot omit (for foolish feare of imputation of flattery) the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at sea he is alwayes most carefull and vigilant, so at land he refuseth no paines; but his labour was euer as much or rather more than any mans: which not only encourageth others with better content, but also effecteth much with great expedition.

In digging we found excellent clay for bricke or tile.

The next day we finished a well of good and holesome cleere water in a great empty caske, which we left there. We cut yards, waste trees, and many necessaries for our ship, while our Carpenter and Cooper laboured to fit and furnish forth the shallop.

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This day our boat went out about a mile from our ship, and in small time with two or three hooks was fished sufficiently for our whole Company three dayes, with great Cod, Haddocke, and Thornebacke.

And towards night we drew with a small net of twenty fathoms very nigh the shore: we got about thirty very good and great Lobsters, many Rockfish, some Plaise, and other small fishes, and fishes called Lumpes, verie pleasant to the taste: and we generally obserued, that all the fish, of what kinde soeuer we tooke, were well fed, fat, and sweet in taste.

Wednesday, the 22 of May, we felled and cut wood for our ships vse, cleansed and scoured our wels, and digged a plot of ground, wherein, amongst some garden seeds, we sowed peaze and barley, which in sixteen dayes grew eight inches aboue ground; and so continued growing euery day halfe an inch, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much inferior to the mould we after found in the maine.

Friday, the 24 of May, after we had made an end of cutting wood, and carying water aboord our shippe, with fourteene Shot and Pikes we marched about and thorow part of two of the Ilands; the bigger of which we judged to be foure or fiue miles in compasse, and a mile broad.

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The profits and fruits which are naturally on these Ilands are these:

| { | Rasberries.
All along the shore and | { | Gooseberries.
some space within, where | { | Strawberries.
the wood hindereth not, | { | Roses.
grow plentifully | { | Currants.
| { | Wild-Vines.
| { | Angelica.
| { | Birch.
| { | Beech.
| { | Ash.
Within the Ilands growe | { | Maple.
wood of sundry sorts, some | { | Spruce.
very great, and all tall: | { | Cherry-tree.
| { | Yew.
| { | Oke very great and good.
| { | Firre-tree,

out of which issueth Turpentine in so maruellous plenty, and so sweet, as our Chirurgeon and others affirmed they neuer saw so good in England. We pulled off much Gumme congealed on the outside of the barke, which smelled like Frankincense. This would be a great benefit for making Tarre and Pitch.

We stayed the longer in this place, not only because of our good Harbour (which is an excellent comfort) but because euery day we did more and more discouer the pleasant fruitfulnesse; insomuch as many of our Companie wished themselues setled heere, not expecting[112] any further hopes, or better discouery to be made.

Heere our men found abundance of great muscels among the rocks; and in some of them many small Pearls: and in one muscell (which we drew vp in our net) was found foureteene Pearles, whereof one of prety bignesse and orient; in another aboue fiftie small Pearles; and if we had had a Drag, no doubt we had found some of great valew, seeing these did certainly shew, that heere they were bred: the shels all glistering with mother of Pearle.

Wednesday, the 29 day, our shallop being now finished, and our Captaine and men furnished to depart with hir from the ship: we set vp a crosse on the shore side vpon the rockes.

Thursday, the 30 of May, about ten a clock afore noon, our Captaine with 13 men more, in the name of God, and with all our praiers for their prosperous discouerie, and safe returne, departed in the shallop: leauing the ship in a good harbour, which before I mentioned, well mored, and manned with 14 men.

This day, about fiue a clocke in the afternoone, we in the shippe espied three Canoas comming towards vs, which went to the iland adjoining, where they went a shore, and very quickly had made a fire, about which they stood beholding our ship: to whom we made signes with our hands and hats, weffing vnto them to[113] come vnto vs, because we had not seene any of the people yet. They sent one Canoa with three men, one of which, when they came neere vnto vs, spake in his language very lowd and very boldly: seeming as though he would know why we were there, and by pointing with his oare towards the sea, we conjectured he ment we should be gone. But when we shewed them kniues and their vse, by cutting of stickes and other trifles, as combs and glasses, they came close aboard our ship, as desirous to entertaine our friendship. To these we gaue such things as we perceiued they liked, when wee shewed them the vse: bracelets, rings, peacocke feathers, which they stucke in their haire, and Tabacco pipes. After their departure to their company on the shore, presently came foure other in another Canoa: to whom we gaue as to the former, vsing them with as much kindnes as we could.

The shape of their body is very proportionable, they are wel countenanced, not very tal nor big, but in stature like to vs: they paint their bodies with blacke, their faces, some with red, some with blacke, and some with blew.

Their clothing is Beauers skins, or Deares skins, cast ouer them like a mantle, and hanging downe to their knees, made fast together vpon the shoulder with leather; some of them had sleeues, most had none; some had buskins of[114] such leather tewed: they haue besides a peece of Beauers skin betweene their legs, made fast about their waste, to couer their priuities.

They suffer no haire to grow on their faces, but on their head very long and very blacke, which those that haue wiues, binde vp behinde with a leather string, in a long round knot.

They seemed all very ciuill and merrie: shewing tokens of much thankefulnesse, for those things we gaue them. We found them then (as after) a people of exceeding good inuention, quicke vnderstanding and readie capacitie.

Their Canoas are made without any iron, of the bark of a birch tree, strengthened within with ribs and hoops of wood, in so good fashion, with such excellent ingenious art, as they are able to beare seuen or eight persons, far exceeding any in the Indies.

One of their Canoas came not to vs, wherein we imagined their women were: of whom they are (as all Saluages) very jealous.

When I signed unto them they should goe sleepe, because it was night, they vnderstood presently, and pointed that at the shore, right against our ship, they would stay all night: as they did.

The next morning very early, came one Canoa abord vs againe with three Saluages, whom we easily then enticed into our ship, and vnder the decke: where we gaue them porke, fish,[115] bread and pease, all which they did eat; and this I noted, they would eat nothing raw, either fish or flesh. They maruelled much and much looked vpon the making of our canne and kettle, so they did at a head-peece and at our guns, of which they are most fearefull, and would fall flat downe at the report of them. At their departure I signed vnto them, that if they would bring me such skins as they ware I would giue them kniues, and such things as I saw they most liked, which the chiefe of them promised to do by that time the Sunne should be beyond the middest of the firmament; this I did to bring them to an vnderstanding of exchange, and that they might conceiue the intent of our comming to them to be for no other end.

About 10 a clocke this day we descried our Shallop returning toward vs, which so soone as we espied, we certainly conjectured our Captaine had found some vnexpected harbour, further vp towards the maine to bring the ship into, or some riuer; knowing his determination and resolution, not so suddenly else to make return: which when they came neerer they expressed by shooting volleies of shot; and when they were come within Musket shot, they gaue vs a volley and haled vs, then we in the shippe gaue them a great peece and haled them.

Thus we welcomed them; who gladded vs exceedingly with their joifull relation of their[116] happie discouerie, which shall appeare in the sequele. And we likewise gaue them cause of mutuall joy with vs, in discoursing of the kinde ciuility we found in a people, where we little expected any sparke of humanity.

Our Captaine had in this small time discouered vp a great riuer, St. George’s Rivertrending alongst into the maine about forty miles. The pleasantnesse whereof, with the safety of harbour for shipping, together with the fertility of ground and other fruits, which were generally by his whole company related, I omit, till I report of the whole discouery therein after performed. For by the breadth, depth and strong flood, imagining it to run far vp into the land, he with speed returned, intending to flanke his light horsman for arrowes, least it might happen that the further part of the riuer should be narrow, and by that meanes subject to the volley of Saluages on either side out of the woods.

Vntill his returne, our Captaine left on shore where he landed in a path (which seemed to be frequented) a pipe, a brooch and a knife, thereby to know if the Saluages had recourse that way, because they could at that time see none of them, but they were taken away before our returne thither.

I returne now to our Saluages, who according to their appointment about one a clocke, came with 4 Canoas to the shoare of the iland[117] right ouer against vs, where they had lodged the last night, and sent one Canoa to vs with two of those Saluages, who had beene a bord, and another, who then seemed to haue command of them; for though we perceiued their willingnesse, yet he would not permit them to come abord; but he hauing viewed vs and our ship, signed that he would go to the rest of the company and returne againe. Presently after their departure it began to raine, and continued all that afternoone, so as they could not come to vs with their skins and furs, nor we go to them. But after an howre or there about, the three which had beene with vs before came againe, whom we had to our fire and couered them with our gownes. Our Captaine bestowed a shirt vpon him, whom we thought to be their chiefe, who seemed neuer to haue seene any before; we gaue him a brooch to hang about his necke, a great knife, and lesser kniues to the two other, and to euery one of them a combe and glasse, the vse whereof we shewed them: whereat they laughed and tooke gladly; we victualled them, and gaue them aqua vitae, which they tasted, but would by no meanes drinke; our beueridge they liked well, we gaue them Sugar Candy, which after they had tasted they liked and desired more, and raisons which were giuen them; and some of euery thing they would reserue to carry to their company. Wherefore[118] we pittying their being in the raine, and therefore not able to get themselues victuall (as we thought) we gaue them bread and fish.

Thus because we found the land a place answereable to the intent of our discouery, viz. fit for any nation to inhabit, we vsed the people with as great kindnes as we could deuise, or found them capable of.

The next day, being Saturday and the first of June, JuneI traded with the Saluages all the fore noone vpon the shore, where were eight and twenty of them: and because our ship rode nigh, we were but fiue or sixe: where for kniues, glasses, combes and other trifles to the valew of foure or fiue shillings, we had 40 good Beauers skins, Otters skins, Sables, and other small skins, which we knewe not how to call. Our trade being ended, many of them came abord vs, and did eat by our fire, and would be verie merrie and bold, in regard of our kinde vsage of them. Towards night our Captaine went on shore, to haue a draught with the Sein or Net. And we carried two of them with vs, who maruelled to see vs catch fish with a net. Most of that we caught we gaue them and their company. Then on the shore I learned the names of diuers things of them: and when they perceiued me to note them downe, they would of themselues, fetch fishes, and fruit bushes, and stand by me to see me write their names.

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Our Captaine shewed them a strange thing which they woondred at. His sword and mine hauing beene touched with the Loadstone, tooke vp a knife, and held it fast when they plucked it away, made the knife turne, being laid on a blocke, and touching it with his sword, made that take vp a needle, whereat they much maruelled. This we did to cause them to imagine some great power in vs: and for that to loue and feare vs.

When we went on shore to trade with them, in one of their Canoas I saw their bowes and arrowes, which I tooke vp and drew an arrow in one of them, which I found to be of strength able to carry an arrow fiue or sixe score stronglie; and one of them tooke it and drew as we draw our bowes, not like the Indians. Their bow is made of Wich Hazell, and some of Beech in fashion much like our bowes, but they want nocks, onely a string of leather put through a hole at one end, and made fast with a knot at the other. Their arrowes are made of the same wood, some of Ash, big and long, with three feathers tied on, and nocked very artificiallie: headed with the long shanke bone of a Deere, made very sharpe with two fangs in manner of a harping iron. They haue likewise Darts, headed with like bone, one of which I darted among the rockes, and it brake not. These they vse very cunningly, to kill fish, fowle and beasts.

[120]

Our Captaine had two of them at supper with vs in his cabbin to see their demeanure, and had them in presence at seruice: who behaued themselues very ciuilly, neither laughing nor talking all the time, and at supper fed not like men of rude education, neither would they eat or drinke more than seemed to content nature; they desired pease to carry a shore to their women, which we gaue them, with fish and bread, and lent them pewter dishes, which they carefully brought againe.

In the evening another boat came to them on the shore, and because they had some Tabacco, which they brought for their owne vse, the other came for vs, making signe what they had, and offered to carry some of vs in their boat, but foure or fiue of vs went with them in our owne boat: when we came on shore they gaue vs the best welcome they could, spreading fallow Deeres skins for vs to sit on the ground by their fire, and gaue vs of their Tabacco in our pipes, which was excellent, and so generally commended of vs all to be as good as any we euer tooke, being the simple leafe without any composition, strong, and of sweet taste; they gaue us some to carry to our Captaine, whom they called our Bashabes; neither did they require any thing for it, but we would not receiue any thing from them without remuneration.

Heere we saw foure of their women, who[121] stood behind them, as desirous to see vs, but not willing to be seene; for before, whensoeuer we came on shore, they retired into the woods, whether it were in regard of their owne naturall modestie, being couered only as the men with the foresaid Beauers skins, or by the commanding jealousy of their husbands, which we rather suspected, because it is an inclination much noted to be in Saluages; wherfore we would by no meanes seeme to take any speciall notice of them. They were very well fauoured in proportion of countenance, though coloured blacke, low of stature, and fat, bare headed as the men, wearing their haire long: they had two little male children of a yeere and half old, as we judged, very fat and of good countenances, which they loue tenderly, all naked, except their legs, which were couered with thin leather buskins tewed, fastened with strops to a girdle about their waste, which they girde very streight, and is decked round about with little round peeces of red Copper; to these I gaue chaines and bracelets, glasses, and other trifles, which the Saluages seemed to accept in great kindnesse.

At our comming away, we would haue had those two that supped with vs, to go abord and sleepe, as they had promised; but it appeared their company would not suffer them. Whereat we might easily perceiue they were much[122] greeued; but not long after our departure, they came with three more to our ship, signing to vs, that if one of our company would go lie on shore with them, they would stay with vs. Then Owen Griffin (one of the two we were to leaue in the Country, if we had thought it needfull or conuenient) went with them in their Canoa, and 3 of them staied aborde vs, whom our whole company very kindly vsed. Our Captaine saw their lodging prouided, and them lodged in an old saile vpon the Orlop; and because they much feared our dogs, they were tied vp whensoeuer any of them came abord vs.

Owen Griffin, which lay on the shore, reported vnto me their maner, and (as I may terme them) the ceremonies of their idolatry; which they performe thus. One among them (the eldest of the Company, as he judged) riseth right vp, the other sitting still, and looking about, suddenly cried with a loud voice, Baugh, Waugh: Powwow then the women fall downe, and lie vpon the ground, and the men all together answering the same, fall a stamping round about the fire with both feet, as hard as they can, making the ground shake, with sundry out-cries, and change of voice and sound. Many take the fire-sticks and thrust them into the earth, and then rest awhile: of a sudden beginning as before, they continue so stamping, till the yonger sort fetched from the shore many stones, of which euery man tooke[123] one, and first beat vpon them with their fire-sticks, then with the stones beat the earth with all their strength. And in this maner (as he reported) they continued aboue two houres.

After this ended, they which haue wiues take them apart, and withdraw themselues seuerally into the wood all night.

The next morning, as soone as they saw the Sunne rise, they pointed to him to come with them to our shippe: and hauing receiued their men from vs, they came with fiue or sixe of their Canoas and Company houering about our ship; to whom (because it was the Sabbath day) I signed they should depart, and at the next Sun rising we would goe along with them to their houses; which they vnderstood (as we thought) and departed, some of their Canoas coursing about the Iland, and the other directly towards the maine.

This day, about fiue a clocke after noone, came three other Canoas from the maine, of which some had beene with vs before; and they came aboord vs, and brought vs Tabacco, which we tooke with them in their pipes, which were made of earth, very strong, blacke, and short containing a great quantity: some Tabacco they gaue vnto our Captaine, and some to me, in very ciuill kind maner. We requited them with bread and peaze, which they caried to their Company on shore, seeming very thankefull. After supper[124] they returned with their Canoa to fetch vs a shore to take Tabacco with them there: with whom six or seuen of vs went, and caried some trifles, if peradventure they had any trucke, among which I caried some few biskets, to try if they would exchange for them, seeing they so well liked to eat them. When we came at shore, they most kindly entertained vs, taking vs by the hands, as they had obserued we did to them aboord, in token of welcome, and brought vs to sit downe by their fire, where sat together thirteene of them. They filled their Tabacco pipe, which was then the short claw of a Lobster, which will hold ten of our pipes full, and we dranke of their excellent Tabacco as much as we would with them; but we saw not any great quantity to trucke for; and it seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yeerely by their continuall drinking: and they would signe vnto vs, that it was growen yet but a foot aboue ground, and would be aboue a yard high, with a leafe as broad as both their hands. They often would (by pointing to one part of the maine Eastward) signe vnto vs, that their Bashabes (that is, their King) had great plenty of Furres, and much Tabacco. When we had sufficiently taken Tabacco with them, I shewed some of our trifles for trade; but they made signe that they had there nothing to exchange; for (as I after conceiued) they had[125] beene fishing and fowling, and so came thither to lodge that night by vs: for when we were ready to come away, they shewed vs great cups made very wittily of barke, in forme almost square, full of a red berry about the bignesse of a bullis, which they did eat, and gaue vs by handfuls; of which (though I liked not the taste) yet I kept some, because I would by no meanes but accept their kindnesse. They shewed me likewise a great piece of fish, whereof I tasted, and it was fat like Porpoise; and another kinde of great scaly fish, broiled on the coales, much like white Salmon, which the Frenchmen call Aloza, Shadfor these they would haue had bread; which I refused, because in maner of exchange, I would alwayes make the greatest esteeme I could of our commodities whatsoeuer; although they saw aboord our Captaine was liberall to giue them, to the end we might allure them still to frequent vs. Then they shewed me foure yoong Goslings, for which they required foure biskets, but I offered them two; which they tooke and were well content.

At our departure they made signe, that if any of vs would stay there on shore, some of them would go lie aboord vs: at which motion two of our Company stayed with them, and three of the Saluages lodged with vs in maner as the night before.

Early the next morning, being Munday the[126] third of June, when they had brought our men aboord, they came about our ship, earnestly by signes desiring that we would go with them along to the maine, for that there they had Furres and Tabacco to traffique with vs. Wherefore our Captaine manned the light-horseman with as many men as he could well, which were about fifteene with rowers and all; and we went along with them. Two of their Canoas they sent away before, and they which lay aboord vs all night, kept company with vs to direct vs.

This we noted as we went along, they in their Canoa with three oares, would at their will go ahead of vs and about vs, when we rowed with eight oares strong; such was their swiftnesse, by reason of the lightnesse and artificiall composition of their Canoa and oares.

When we came neere the point where we saw their fires, Pemaquidwhere they intended to land, and where they imagined some few of vs would come on shore with our merchandize, as we had accustomed before; when they had often numbred our men very diligently, they scoured away to their Company, not doubting we would haue followed them. But when we perceiued this, and knew not either their intents, or number of Saluages on the shore, our Captaine, after consultation, stood off, and wefted them to vs, determining that I should go on shore first to[127] take a view of them, and what they had to traffique: if he, whom at our first sight of them seemed to be of most respect among them, and being then in the Canoa, would stay as a pawne for me. When they came to vs (notwithstanding all our former courtesies) he vtterly refused; but would leaue a yoong Saluage: and for him our Captaine sent Griffin in their Canoa, while we lay hulling a little off. Griffin at his returne reported, thay had there assembled together, as he numbred them, two hundred eighty three Saluages, euery one his bowe and arrowes, with their dogges, and wolues which they keepe tame at command, and not anything to exchange at all; but would haue drawen vs further vp into a little narrow nooke of a riuer, for their Furres, as they pretended.

These things considered, we began to joyne them in the ranke of other Saluages, who haue beene by trauellers in most discoueries found very trecherous; neuer attempting mischiefe, vntill by some remisnesse, fit opportunity affoordeth them certaine ability to execute the same. Wherefore after good advice taken, we determined so soone as we could to take some of them, least (being suspitious we had discouered their plots) they should absent themselues from vs.

Tuesday, the fourth of June, our men tooke Cod and Hadocke with hooks by our ship side,[128] and Lobsters very great; which before we had not tried.

About eight a clocke this day we went on shore with our boats, to fetch aboord water and wood, our Captaine leauing word with the Gunner in the shippe, by discharging a musket, to giue notice if they espied any Canoa comming; which they did about ten a clocke. He therefore being carefull they should be kindly entreated, requested me to go aboord, intending with dispatch to make what haste after he possibly could. When I came to the ship, there were two Canoas, and in either of them three Saluages; of whom two were below at the fire, the other staied in their Canoas about the ship; and because we could not entice them abord, we gaue them a Canne of pease and bread, which they carried to the shore to eat. But one of them brought backe our Canne presently and staid abord with the other two; for he being yoong, of a ready capacity, and one we most desired to bring with vs into England, had receiued exceeding kinde vsage at our hands, and was therefore much delighted in our company. When our Captaine was come, we consulted how to catch the other three at shore which we performed thus.

We manned the light horseman with 7 or 8 men, one standing before carried our box of Marchandise, as we were woont when I[129] went to traffique with them, and a platter of pease, which meat they loued: but before we were landed, one of them (being too suspitiously feareful of his owne good) withdrew himselfe into the wood. The other two met vs on the shore side, to receiue the pease, with whom we went vp the Cliffe to their fire and sate downe with them, and whiles we were discussing how to catch the third man who was gone, I opened the box, and shewed them trifles to exchange, thinking thereby to haue banisht feare from the other, and drawen him to returne: but when we could not, we vsed little delay, but suddenly laid hands vpon them. And it was as much as fiue or sixe of vs could doe to get them into the light horseman. For they were strong and so naked as our best hold was by their long haire on their heads; and we would haue beene very loath to haue done them any hurt, which of necessity we had beene constrained to haue done if we had attempted them in a multitude, which we must and would, rather than haue wanted them, being a matter of great importance for the full accomplement of our voyage.

Thus we shipped fiue Saluages, two Canoas, with all their bowes and arrowes.

The next day we made an end of getting our wood aboord, and filled our empty caske with water.

Thursday, the 6 of June, we spent in bestowing[130] the Canoas vpon the orlop safe from hurt, because they were subject to breaking, which our Captaine was carefull to preuent.

Saturday the eight of June (our Captaine being desirous to finish all businesse about this harbour) very early in the morning, with the light horseman, coasted fiue or sixe leagues about the Ilands adjoining, and sounded all along wheresoeuer we went. He likewise diligently searched the mouth of the Harbour, and about the rocks which shew themselues at all times, and are an excellent breach of the water, so as no Sea can come in to offend the Harbour. This he did to instruct himselfe, and thereby able to direct others that shall happen to come to this place. For euery where both neere the rocks, & in all soundings about the Ilands, we neuer found lesse water than foure and fiue fathoms, which was seldome; but seuen, eight, nine and ten fathoms is the continuall sounding by the shore. In some places much deeper vpon clay oaze or soft sand: so that if any bound for this place, should be either driuen or scanted with winds, he shall be able (with his directions) to recouer safely his harbour most securely in water enough by foure seuerall passages, more than which I thinke no man of judgement will desire as necessarie.

Vpon one of the Ilands (because it had a pleasant sandy Coue for small barks to ride in)[131] we landed, and found hard by the shore a pond of fresh water, which flowed ouer the banks, somewhat ouer growen with little shrub trees, and searching vp in the Iland, we saw it fed with a strong run, which with small labour, and little time, might be made to driue a mill. In this Iland, as in the other, were spruce trees of excellent timber and height, able to mast ships of great burthen.

While we thus sounded from one place to another in so good deepes, our Captaine to make some triall of the fishing himselfe, caused a hooke or two to be cast out at the mouth of the harbour, not aboue halfe a league from our ship, where in small time only, with the baits which they cut from the fish and three hooks, we got fish enough for our whole Company (though now augmented) for three daies. Which I omit not to report, because it sheweth how great a profit the fishing would be, they being so plentifull, so great, and so good, with such conuenient drying as can be wished, neere at hand vpon the Rocks.

This day, about one a clocke after noone, came from the Eastward two Canoas abord vs, wherein was he that refused to stay with vs for a pawne, and with him six other Saluages which we had not seene before, who had beautified themselues after their manner very gallantly, though their clothing was not differing from[132] the former, yet they had newly painted their faces very deep, some all blacke, some red, with stripes of excellent blew ouer their vpper lips, nose and chin. One of them ware a kinde of Coronet about his head, made very cunningly, of a substance like stiffe haire coloured red, broad, and more than a handfull in depth, which we imagined to be some ensigne of his superioritie; for he so much esteemed it as he would not for any thing exchange the same. Other ware the white feathered skins of some fowle, round about their head, jewels in their ears, and bracelets of little white round bone, fastned together vpon a leather string. These made not any shew that they had notice of the other before taken, but we vnderstood them by their speech and signes, that they came sent from the Bashabes, and that his desire was that we would bring vp our ship (which they call as their owne boats, a Quiden) to his house, being, as they pointed, vpon the main towards the East, from whence they came, and that he would exchange with vs for Furres and Tabacco. But because our Company was but small, and now our desire was with speed to discouer vp the river, we let them vnderstand, that if their Bashabes would come to vs, he should be welcome, but we would not remoue to him. Which when they vnderstood (receiuing of vs bread and fish, and euery of them a knife) they[133] departed; for we had then no will to stay them long abord, least they should discouer the other Saluages which we had stowed below.

Tuesday, the 11 of June, we passed vp into the riuer with our ship, about six and twenty miles. Of which I had rather not write, then by my relation to detract from the worthinesse thereof. For the Riuer, besides that it is subject by shipping to bring in all traffiques of Marchandise, a benefit alwaies accounted the richest treasury to any land: for which cause our Thames hath that due denomination, and France by her nauigable Riuers receiueth hir greatest wealth; yet this place of it selfe from God and nature affoordeth as much diuersitie of good commodities, as any reasonable man can wish, for present habitation and planting.

The first and chiefest thing required, is a bold coast and faire land to fall with; the next, a safe harbour for ships to ride in.

The first is a speciall attribute to this shore, being most free from sands or dangerous rocks in a continuall good depth, with a most excellent land-fall, which is the first Iland we fell with, named by vs, Saint Georges Iland. MonheganFor the second, by judgement of our Captaine, who knoweth most of the coast of England, and most of other Countries, (hauing beene experienced by imployments in discoueries and trauels from his childhood) and by opinion of others[134] of good judgement in our shippe, heere are more good harbours for ships of all burthens, than England can affoord, and far more secure from all winds and weathers, than any in England, Scotland, France or Spaine. For besides without the Riuer in the channell, and sounds about the ilands adjoining to the mouth thereof, no better riding can be desired for an infinite number of ships. The Riuer it selfe as it runneth vp into the main very nigh forty miles toward the great mountaines, beareth in bredth a mile, sometime three quarters, and halfe a mile is the narrowest, where you shall neuer haue vnder 4 and 5 fathoms water hard by the shore, but 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 fathoms all along, and on both sides euery halfe mile very gallant Coues, some able to conteine almost a hundred saile, where the ground is excellent soft oaze with a tough clay vnder for anker hold, and where ships may ly without either Cable or Anker, only mored to the shore with a Hauser.

It floweth by their judgement eighteen or twenty foot at high water.

Heere are made by nature most excellent places, as Docks to graue or Carine ships of all burthens; secured from all windes, which is such a necessary incomparable benefit, that in few places in England, or in any parts of Christendome, art, with great charges, can make the like.

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Besides, the bordering land is a most rich neighbour trending all along on both sides, in an equall plaine, neither mountainous nor rocky, but verged with a greene bordure of grasse, doth make tender vnto the beholder of hir pleasant fertility, if by clensing away the woods she were conuerted into meddow.

The wood she beareth is not shrubbish fit only for fewell, but goodly tall Firre, Spruce, Birch, Beech, Oke, which in many places is not so thicke, but may with small labour be made feeding ground, being plentifull like the outward Ilands with fresh water, which streameth downe in many places.

As we passed with a gentle winde vp with our ship in this Riuer, any man may conceiue with what admiration we all consented in joy. Many of our Company who had beene trauellers in sundry countries, and in the most famous Riuers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter Ralegh in his voyage to Guiana, in the discouery of the Riuer Orenoque, which echoed fame to the worlds eares, gaue reasons why it was not to be compared with this, which wanteth the dangers of many Shoules, and broken ground, wherewith that was incombred. Others before that notable Riuer in the West Indies called Rio Grande; some before the Riuer of Loyer, the Riuer Seine, and of Burdeaux[136] in France, which although they be great and goodly Riuers, yet it is no detraction from them to be accounted inferiour to this, which not only yeeldeth all the foresaid pleasant profits, but also appeared infallibly to vs free from all inconueniences.

I will not prefer it before our riuer of Thames, because it is Englands richest treasure; but we all did wish those excellent Harbours, good deeps in a continuall conuenient breadth, and small tide-gates, to be as well therein for our countries good, as we found thē here (beyond our hopes) in certaine, for those to whom it shall please God to grant this land for habitation; which if it had, with the other inseparable adherent commodities here to be found; then I would boldly affirme it to be the most rich, beautifull, large & secure harbouring riuer that the world affoordeth.

Wednesday, the twelfth of June, our Captaine manned his light-horseman with 17 men, and ranne vp from the ship riding in the riuer vp to the codde thereof, A bend or narrow portionwhere we landed, leauing six to keepe the light-horseman till our returne. Ten of vs with our shot, and some armed, with a boy to carry powder and match, marched vp into the countrey towards the mountaines, Camden Hillswhich we descried at our first falling with the land. Vnto some of them the riuer brought vs so neere, as we judged our[137] selues when we landed to haue beene within a league of them; but we marched vp about foure miles in the maine, and passed ouer three hilles: and because the weather was parching hot, and our men in their armour not able to trauel farre and returne that night to our ship, we resolued not to passe any further, being all very weary of so tedious and laboursom a trauell.

In this march we passed ouer very good ground, pleasant and fertile, fit for pasture, for the space of some three miles, hauing but little wood, and that Oke like stands left in our pastures in England, good and great, fit timber for any vse. Some small Birch, Hazle and Brake, which might in small time with few men be cleansed and made good arable land: but as it now is will feed cattell of all kindes with fodder enough for Summer and Winter. The soile is blacke, bearing sundry hearbs, grasse, and strawberries bigger than ours in England. In many places are lowe Thicks like our Copisses of small yoong wood. And surely it did all resemble a stately Parke, wherein appeare some old trees with high withered tops, and other flourishing with liuing greene boughs. Vpon the hilles grow notable high timber trees, masts for ships of 400 tun: and at the bottome of euery hill, a little run of fresh water; but the furthest and last we passed, ranne with a great streame able to driue a mill.

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We might see in some places where fallow Deere and Hares had beene, and by the rooting of ground we supposed wilde Hogs had ranged there, but we could descrie no beast, because our noise still chased them from vs.

We were no sooner come aboord our light-horseman, returning towards our ship, but we espied a Canoa comming from the further part of the Cod of the riuer Eastward, which hasted to vs; wherein, with two others, was he who refused to stay for a pawne: and his comming was very earnestly importing to haue one of our men to go lie on shore with their Bashabes (who was there on shore, as they signed) and then the next morning he would come to our ship with many Furres and Tabacco. This we perceiued to be only a meere deuice to get possession of any of our men, to ransome all those which we had taken, which their naturall policy could not so shadow, but we did easily discouer and preuent. These meanes were by this Saluage practised, because we had one of his kinsemen prisoner, as we judged by his most kinde vsage of him being aboord vs together.

Thursday, the 13 of June, by two a clocke in the morning (because our Captaine would take the helpe and aduantage of the tide) in the light-horseman with our Company well prouided and furnished with armour and shot both to defend and offend; we went from our[139] ship vp to that part of the riuer which trended Westward into the maine, to search that: Thomastonand we carried with vs a Crosse, to erect at that point, which (because it was not daylight) we left on the shore vntill our returne backe; when we set it vp in maner as the former. For this (by the way) we diligently obserued, that in no place, either about the Ilands, or vp in the maine, or alongst the riuer, we could discerne any token or signe, that euer any Christian had beene before; of which either by cutting wood, digging for water, or setting vp Crosses (a thing neuer omitted by any Christian trauellers) we should haue perceiued some mention left.

But to returne to our riuer, further vp into which we then rowed by estimation twenty miles, the beauty and goodnesse whereof I can not by relation sufficiently demonstrate. That which I can say in generall is this: What profit or pleasure soeuer is described and truly verified in the former part of the riuer, is wholly doubled in this; for the bredth and depth is such, that any ship drawing 17 or 18 foot water, might haue passed as farre as we went with our light-horsman, and by all our mens judgement much further, because we left it in so good depth and bredth; which is so much the more to be esteemed of greater woorth, by how much it trendeth further vp into the maine: for from the place of our ships riding in the Harbour at[140] the entrance into the Sound, to the furthest part we were in this riuer, by our estimation was not much lesse than threescore miles.

From ech banke of this riuer are diuers branching streames into the maine, wherby is affoorded an vnspeakable profit by the conueniency of transportation from place to place, which in some countries is both chargeable; and not so fit, by cariages on waine, or horse backe.

Heere we saw great store of fish, some great, leaping aboue water, which we judged to be Salmons. All along is an excellent mould of ground. The wood in most places, especially on the East side, very thinne, chiefly oke and some small young birch, bordering low vpon the riuer; all fit for medow and pasture ground: and in that space we went, we had on both sides the riuer many plaine plots of medow, some of three or foure acres, some of eight or nine: so as we judged in the whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good grasse, and where the armes run out into the Maine, there likewise went a space on both sides of cleere grasse, how far we know not, in many places we might see paths made to come downe to the watering.

The excellencie of this part of the Riuer, for his good breadth, depth, and fertile bordering ground, did so ravish vs all with variety of pleasantnesse, as we could not tell what to[141] commend, but only admired; some compared it to the Riuer Seuerne, (but in a higher degree) and we all concluded (as I verily thinke we might rightly) that we should neuer see the like Riuer in every degree equall, vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe. For the farther we went, the more pleasing it was to euery man, alluring vs still with expectation of better, so as our men, although they had with great labour rowed long and eat nothing (for we carried with vs no victuall, but a little cheese and bread) yet they were so refreshed with the pleasant beholding thereof, and so loath to forsake it, as some of them affirmed, they would haue continued willingly with that onely fare and labour 2 daies; but the tide not suffering vs to make any longer stay (because we were to come backe with the tide) and our Captaine better knowing what was fit then we, and better what they in labour were able to endure, being verie loath to make any desperate hazard, where so little necessitie required, thought it best to make returne, because whither we had discouered was sufficient to conceiue that the Riuer ran very far into the land. For we passed six or seuen miles, altogether fresh water (whereof we all dranke) forced vp by the flowing of the Salt: which after a great while eb, where we left it, by breadth of channell and depth of water was likely to run by[142] estimation of our whole company an unknowen way farther: the search whereof our Captaine hath left till his returne, if it shall so please God to dispose of him and vs.

For we hauing now by the direction of the omnipotent disposer of all good intents (far beyond the period of our hopes) fallen with so bold a coast, found so excellent and secure harbour, for as many ships as any nation professing Christ is able to set forth to Sea, discouered a Riuer, which the All-creating God, with his most liberall hand, hath made aboue report notable with his foresaid blessings, bordered with a land, whose pleasant fertility bewraieth it selfe to be the garden of nature, wherin she only intended to delight hir selfe, hauing hitherto obscured it to any, except to a purblind generation, whose vnderstanding it hath pleased God so to darken, as they can neither discerne, vse, or rightly esteeme the vnualuable riches in middest whereof they live sensually content with the barke and outward rinds, as neither knowing the sweetnes of the inward marrow, nor acknowledging the Deity of the Almighty giuer: hauing I say thus far proceeded, and hauing some of the inhabitant nation (of best vnderstanding we saw among them) who (learning our language) may be able to giue vs further instruction, concerning all the premised particulars, as also of their gouernours, and gouernment,[143] situation of townes, and what else shall be conuenient, which by no meanes otherwise we could by any obseruation of our selues learne in a long time: our Captaine now wholy intended his prouision for speedy returne. For although the time of yeere and our victuall were not so spent, but we could haue made a longer voyage, in searching farther and trading for very good commodities, yet as they might haue beene much profitable, so (our company being small) much more preiudiciall to the whole state of our voyage, which we were most regardfull now not to hazard. For we supposing not a little present priuate profit, but a publique good, and true zeale of promulgating Gods holy Church, by planting Christianity, to be the sole intent of the Honourable setters foorth of this discouery; thought it generally most expedient, by our speedy returne, to giue the longer space of time to make prouision for so weighty an enterprise.

Friday, the 14 day of June, early by foure a clocke in the morning, with the tide, our two boats, and a little helpe of the winde, we rowed downe to the riuers mouth and there came to an anker about eleuen a clocke. Afterward our Captaine in the light horseman searched the sounding all about the mouth and comming to the Riuer, for his certaine instruction of a perfect description.

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The next day, being Saturday, we wayed anker, and with a briese from the land, we sailed vp to our watering place, and there stopped, went on shore and filled all our empty caske with fresh water.

Our Captaine vpon the Rocke in the middest of the harbour obserued the height, latitude, and variation exactly vpon his instruments.

1 Astrolabe.
2 Semisphere.
3 Ringe instrument.
4 Crosse staffe.
5 And an excellent compasse made for the variation.

The certainty whereof, together with the particularities of euery depth and sounding, as well at our falling with the land, as in the discouery, and at our departure from the coast; I refer to his owne relation in the Map of his Geographicall description, which for the benefit of others he intendeth most exactly to publish.

The temperature of the Climate (albeit a very important matter) I had almost passed without mentioning, because it affoorded to vs no great alteration from our disposition in England; somewhat hotter vp into the Maine, because it lieth open to the South; the aire so wholesome, as I suppose not any of vs found our selues at any time more healthfull, more able to labour, nor with better stomacks to such good fare, as we partly brought, and partly found.

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Sunday, the 16 of June, the winde being faire, and because we had set out of England vpon a Sunday, made the Ilands vpon a Sunday, and as we doubt not (by Gods appointment) happily fell into our harbour vpon a Sunday; so now (beseeching him still with like prosperity to blesse our returne into England our country, and from thence with his good will and pleasure to hasten our next arriuall there) we waied Anker and quit the Land vpon a Sunday.

Tuesday, the 18 day, being not run aboue 30 leagues from land, and our Captaine for his certaine knowledge how to fall with the coast, hauing sounded euery watch, and from 40 fathoms had come into good deeping, to 70, and so to an hundred: this day the weather being faire, after the foure a clocke watch, when we supposed not to haue found ground so farre from land, and before sounded in aboue 100 fathoms, we had ground in 24 fathomes. The Fishing BanksWherefore our sailes being downe, Thomas King boatswaine, presently cast out a hooke, and before he judged it at ground, was fished and haled vp an exceeding great and well fed Cod: then there were cast out 3 or 4 more, and the fish was so plentifull and so great, as when our Captaine would haue set saile, we all desired him to suffer them to take fish a while, because we were so delighted to see them catch so great fish, so fast as the hooke came down: some[146] with playing with the hooke they tooke by the backe, and one of the Mates with two hookes at a lead at fiue draughts together haled vp tenne fishes; all were generally very great, some they measured to be fiue foot long, and three foot about.

This caused our Captaine not to maruell at the shoulding, for he perceiued it was a fish banke, which (for our farewell from the land) it pleased God in continuance of his blessings to giue vs knowledge of: the abundant profit whereof should be alone sufficient cause to draw men againe, if there were no other good both in present certaine, and in hope probable to be discouered. To amplifie this with words, were to adde light to the Sunne: for euery one in the shippe could easily account this present commodity; much more those of judgement, which knew what belonged to fishing, would warrant (by the helpe of God) in a short voyage with few good fishers to make a more profitable returne from hence than from Newfoundland: the fish being so much greater, better fed, and abundant with traine; Cod-liver oilof which some they desired, and did bring into England to bestow among their friends, and to testifie the true report.

After, we kept our course directly for England & with ordinary winds, and sometime calmes, vpon Sunday the 14 of July about sixe a[147] clocke at night, we were come into sounding in our channell, but with darke weather and contrary winds, we were constrained to beat vp and downe till Tuesday the 16 of July, when by fiue a clocke in the morning we made Sylly; from whence, hindered with calmes and small winds, vpon Thursday the 18 of July about foure a clocke after noone, we came into Dartmouth: which Hauen happily (with Gods gracious assistance) we made our last and first Harbour in England.

Further, I haue thought fit here to adde some things worthy to be regarded, which we haue obserued from the Saluages since we tooke them.

First, although at the time when we surprised them, they made their best resistance, not knowing our purpose, nor what we were, nor how we meant to vse them; yet after perceiuing by their kinde vsage we intended them no harme, they haue neuer since seemed discontented with vs, but very tractable, louing, & willing by their best meanes to satisfie vs in any thing we demand of them, by words or signes for their vnderstanding: neither haue they at any time beene at the least discord among themselues; insomuch as we haue not seene them angry but merry; and so kinde, as if you giue any thing to one of them, he will distribute part to euery one of the rest.

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We haue brought them to vnderstand some English, and we vnderstand much of their language; so as we are able to aske them many things. And this we haue obserued, that if we shew them any thing, and aske them if they haue it in their countrey, they will tell you if they haue it, and the vse of it, the difference from ours in bignesse, colour, or forme; but if they haue it not, be it a thing neuer so precious, they wil denie the knowledge of it.

They haue names for many starres, which they will shew in the firmament.

They shew great reuerence to their King, and are in great subiection to their Gouernours: and they will shew a great respect to any we tell them are our Commanders.

They shew the maner how they make bread of their Indian wheat, and how they make butter and cheese of the milke they haue of the Rain-Deere and Fallo-Deere, which they haue tame as we haue Cowes.

They haue excellent colours. And hauing seene our Indico, they make shew of it, or of some other like thing which maketh as good a blew.

One especiall thing is their maner of killing the Whale, which they call Powdawe; and will describe his forme; how he bloweth vp the water; and that he is 12 fathoms long; and that they go in company of their King with a multitude[149] of their boats, and strike him with a bone made in fashion of a harping iron fastened to a rope, which they make great and strong of the barke of trees, which they veare out after him; then all their boats come about him, and as he riseth aboue water, with their arrowes they shoot him to death; when they haue killed him & dragged him to shore, they call all their chiefe lords together, & sing a song of joy: and those chiefe lords, whom they call Sagamos, divide the spoile, and giue to euery man a share, which pieces so distributed they hang vp about their houses for prouision: and when they boile them, they blow off the fat, and put to their peaze, maiz, and other pulse, which they eat.

A briefe Note of what profits we saw the Countrey yeeld in the small time of our stay there.

Trees.

Oke of an excellent graine, strait, and great timber.

Elme.

Beech.

Birch, very tall & great; of whose barke they make their Canoas.

Wich-Hazell.

Hazell.

Alder.

Cherry-tree.

Ash.

Maple.

Yew.

Spruce.

Aspe.

Firre.

Many fruit trees, which we knew not.

Fowles.

Eagles.

Hernshawes.

Cranes.

Ducks great.

Geese.

Swannes.

Penguins.

Crowes.

Sharks.

Rauens.

Mewes.

Turtle-doues.

Many birds of sundrie colours.

Many other fowls in flocks, vnknown.

[150]

Beasts.

Raine-Deere.

Stagges.

Fallow-Deere.

Beares.

Wolues.

Beauer.

Otter.

Hare.

Cony.

Hedge-Hoggs.

Polcats.

Wilde great Cats.

Dogges: some like Wolues, some like Spaniels.

Fishes.

Whales.

Seales.

Cod very great.

Haddocke great.

Herring great.

Plaise.

Thornebacke.

Rockefish.

Lobstar great.

Crabs.

Muscels great, with pearles in them.

Cockles.

Wilks.

Cunner fish.

Lumps.

Whiting.

Soales.

Tortoises.

Oisters.

[151]

Frvits, Plants, and Herbs.

Tabacco, excellent sweet and strong.

Wild-Vines.

Strawberries. }

Raspberries. }

Gooseberries. } abundance

Hurtleberries. }

Currant trees. }

Rose-bushes.

Peaze.

Ground-nuts.

Angelica, a most souerainge herb.

An hearbe that spreadeth the ground, & smelleth like Sweet Marioram, great plenty.

Very good Dies, which appeare by their painting; which they carrie with them in bladders.

The names of the fiue Saluages which we brought home into England, which are all yet aliue, are these.

1. Tahánedo, a Sagamo or Commander. or Nahanada
2. Amóret. }
3. Skicowáros } Gentlemen. or Skidwares
4. Maneddo }
5. Saffacomoit, a seruant.

[152]
[153]

## George Popham
&
Ralegh Gilbert
1607
KENEBECK RIVER

[154]

The Popham Colony at Sagadahock, on the western side of the entrance to the Kenebeck river, was established by the members of the first Virginia Company, which was chartered by King James in 1606, who lived at Plymouth and elsewhere in the west of England. The London members of the Company made their settlement at Jamestown. The leader of the Plymouth partners was Sir Ferdinando Gorges, with whom were associated members of the Popham and Gilbert families. They equipped two exploring expeditions in the autumn of 1606, one of them being under the command of Martin Pring, whose account of his voyage of 1603 is printed in this volume. Pring’s report determined the Plymouth partners to attempt a settlement on the Maine coast. Two vessels were fitted out and George Popham, a nephew of the Chief Justice, Sir John Popham, and Ralegh Gilbert, a son of Sir Humphrey, were placed in charge of the expedition.

The narrative of the voyage was written by one of the officers, probably the navigator or pilot of Gilbert’s vessel, the “Mary and John,” whose name may have been James Davies. This account, which is preserved in the Library of Lambeth Palace, London, was printed in the fourth volume of the Gorges Society publications, Portland, 1892, with notes by the Rev. Henry O. Thayer. That Society, through Mr. H. W. Bryant of Portland, has kindly loaned the facsimiles of the drawings which illustrate the manuscript, for reproduction in this volume.

[155]

THE RELATION of a Voyage unto New England. Began from the Lizard, ye first of June 1607, by Captain Popham in ye ship ye Gift, & Captain Gilbert in ye Mary & John.

Written by * * * * * * & found amongst ye Papers of ye truly Worshipfull: Sr. Ferdinando Gorges, Kt. by me William Griffith.

DEPARTED from the Lyzard the firste daye of June Ano Domi 1607, 1607 Junebeinge Mundaye about 6 of the Cloke in the afternoon and ytt bore of me then North-este and by North eyght Leags of.

The firste Daye of Jully beinge Wesdaye wee depted from the Illand of flowers July Azoresbeinge ten Leags South weste from ytt.

From hence we allwayes kept our Course to the Westward as much as wind & weather[156] woold permytt untill the 27th daye of Jully duringe which time wee often times Sounded but could never fynd grounde. this 27th early in the mornynge we Sounded & had ground but 18 fetham beinge then in the Lattitud of 43 degrees & ⅔ hear wee fysht three howers & tooke near to hundred of Cods very great & large fyshe bigger & larger fyshe then that which coms from the bancke of the New Found Land··hear wee myght have lodden our shipe in Lesse time then a moneth.

From hence the Wynd beinge att South west wee sett our Saills & stood by the wind west nor west towards the Land allwayes Soundinge for our better knowledg as we ran towarde the main Land from this bancke.

From this bancke Sable Bankwe kept our Course west nor west 36 Leags which ys from the 27th of July untill the 30th of July in which tyme we ran 36 L as ys beffore sayed & then we Saw the Land about 10 of the Clok in the mornynge bearinge norweste from us About 10 Leags & then we Sounded & had a hundred fethams blacke oze hear as we Cam in towards the Land from this bancke we still found deepe watter. the deepest within the bancke ys 160 fethams & in 100 fetham you shall See the Land yf ytt be Clear weather after you passe the bancke the ground ys still black oze untill yo Com near the shore··this daye wee stood in for the Land but[157] Could nott recover ytt beffor the night tooke us so we stood a Lyttell from ytt & thear strok a hull untill the next daye beinge the Laste of July hear Lyeinge at hull we tooke great stor of cod fyshes the bigeste & largest that I ever Saw or any man in our ship. this daye beinge the Last of July about 3 of the Clok in the after noon we recouered the shor & cam to an anker under an Illand Lunenburg or La Heve Nova Scotiafor all this Cost ys full of Illands & broken Land but very Sound & good for shipinge to go by them the watter deepe. 18 & 20 fetham hard abord them.

This Illand standeth in the lattitud of 44 d & ½ & hear we had nott ben att an anker past to howers beffore we espyed a bisken Biscayanshallop Cominge towards us havinge in her eyght Sallvages & a Lyttell salvage boye··they cam near unto us & spoke unto us in thear Language. & we makinge Seignes to them that they should com abord of us showinge unto them knyues glasses beads & throwinge into thear bott Som bisket but for all this they wold nott com abord of us but makinge show to go from us. we suffered them. So when they wear a Lyttell from us and Seeinge we proffered them no wronge of thear owne accord retorned & cam abord of us & three of them stayed all that nyght with us the rest departed in the shallope to the shore makinge Seignes unto us that they wold retorn unto us aggain the next daye.

[158]

The next daye the Sam Salvages with three Salvage wemen beinge the fryst daye of Auguste August retorned unto us bringinge with them Som feow skines of bever in an other bisken shallop & propheringe thear skines to trook with us but they demanded ouer muche for them and we Seemed to make Lyght of them So then the other three which had stayed with us all nyght went into the shallop & So they departed··ytt Seemeth that the french hath trad with them for they use many french words the Cheeff Comander of these parts ys called Messamott & the ryver or harbor ys called emannett we take these peopell to be the tarentyns & these peopell as we have Learned sence do make wars with Sasanoa the Cheeffe Comander to the westward wheare we have planted & this Somer they kild his Sonne··So the Salvages departed from us & cam no mor unto us··After they wear departed from us we hoyssed out our bot whearin my Selffe was with 12 others & rowed to the shore and landed on this Illand that we rod under the which we found to be a gallant Illand full of heigh & myghty trees of Sundry Sorts··hear we allso found aboundance of gusberyes strawberyes rasberyes & whorts So we retorned & Cam abord.

Sondaye beinge the second of Auguste after dyner our bott went to the shore again to fille freshe watter whear after they had filled thear[159] watter thear cam fower Salvages unto them havinge thear bowes & arowes in thear hands makinge show unto them to have them Com to the shore but our Saillers havinge filled thear watter wold nott go to the shore unto them but retorned & cam abord beinge about 5 of the Clock in the afternoon··So the bott went presently from the ship unto a point of an Illand & thear att Lo watter in on hower kild near .50. great Lopsters··you shall See them whear they ly in shold Watter nott past a yeard deep & with a great hooke mad faste to a staffe you shall hitch them up thear ar great store of them you may near Lad a Ship with them. & they are of greatt bignesse··I have nott Seen the Lyke in Ingland··So the bott retorned abord & wee toke our bott in & about myd nyght the wynd cam faier att northest we Sett Saill & departed from thence keepinge our Course South west for So the Cost Lyeth.

Mundaye being the third of Auguste in the morninge we wear faier by the shore and So Sailled alongste the Coste··we Saw many Illands all alonge the Cost & great Sounds, goinge betwyxt them, but We could make prooffe of non for want of a Pinnacepenyshe··hear we found fyshe still all alonge the Cost as we Sailed.

Tusdaye being the 4th of Auguste in the morninge 5 of the Clok we wear theawart of a[160] Cape or head Land Cape SableLyeing in the Latitud of 43 degrees and cam very near unto ytt. ytt ys very Low Land showinge Whytt Lyke sand but ytt ys Whytt Rocks and very stronge tides goeth hear from the place we stopt att beinge in 44 de & ½ untill this Cape or head land ytt ys all broken Land & full of Illands & Large Sounds betwixt them & hear we found fyshe aboundance so large & great as I never Saw the Lyke Cods beffor nether any man in our shipe.

After we paste this Cape or head Land the Land falleth awaye and Lyeth in norwest & by north into a greatt deep baye. Bay of FundyWe kept our course from this head Land West and Weste and by South 7 Leags and cam to thre Illands Seal and Mud Islands whear cominge near unto them we found on the Southest Syd of them a great Leadge of Rocks Lyeinge near a Leage into the Sea the which we perseavinge tackt our ship & the wynde being Large att northest Cleared our Selves of them kepinge still our course to the westward west & by South and west Southwest untill mydnyght. then after we hald in more northerly.

Wensdaye being the 5th of Auguste from after mydnyght we hald in West norwest untill 3 of the Clok afternoon of the Sam and then we Saw the Land aggain bearinge from us north weste & by north and ytt Risseth in this forme[161] hear under. ten or 12 Leags from yo they ar three heigh mountains that Lye in upon the main Land near unto the ryver of penobskot Camdem Mountains in which ryver the bashabe makes his abod the cheeffe Comander of those parts & streatcheth unto the ryver of Sagadehock under his Comand yo shall see theise heigh mountains when yo shall not perseave the main Land under ytt they ar of shutch and exceedinge heygts: And note. that from the Cape or head Land beffor spoken of untill these heigh mountains we never Saw any Land except those three Illands also beffor mensyoned··We stood in Right with these mountains untill the next daye.

Thursdaye beinge the 6th of Auguste we stood in with this heigh Land untill 12 of the Cloke noon & then I found the shipe to be in 43 d & ½ by my observation··from thence we Sett our Course & stood awaye dew weste & Saw three other Illands Matinicus IslandsLyenge together beinge Lo & flatt by the watter showinge whytt as yff ytt wear Sand but ytt ys whytt Rocks makinge show a far of allmoste Lyke unto Dover Cleeves. & these three Illands Lye dew est & west on of the other so we Cam faier by them and as we Cam[162] to the Westward the heygh Land beffor spoken of shewed ytt selffe in this form as followith

From hence we kept still our Course West & Weste by North towards three other Illands St. George Islands that we Sawe Lyenge from these Illands beffor spoken of 8 Leags and about ten of the Clok att nyght we recovered them & havinge Sent in our bott beffor nyght to vew ytt for that ytt was Calme & to Sound ytt & See whatt good ankoringe was under ytt we bor in with on of them the which as we cam in by we still sounded & founde very deepe watter 40 fetham hard abord of yt. So we stood in into a Coue In ytt & had 12 fetham watter & thear we ankored untill the mornynge. And when the daye appeared We Saw we weare environed Round about with Illands yo myght have told neare thirty Illands round about us from abord our shipe this Illand we Call St. Georges Illand Waymouthfor that we hear found a Crosse Sett up the which we Suposse was Sett up by George Wayman.

Frydaye beinge the 7th of Auguste we wayed our Ankor whereby to bringe our shipe in mor better Safty how Soever the wynd should happen to blow and about ten of the Cloke in the mornynge as we weare standinge of a Lyttell[163] from the Illand we descried a saill standinge in towards this Illand & we presently mad towards her & found ytt to be the gyfte our Consort So beinge all Joye full of our happy meetinge we both stood in again for the Illand we ryd under beffor & theare anckored both together.

This night followinge about myd nyght Capt. Gilbert caussed his ships bott to be maned & took to hemselffe 13 other my Selffe beinge on beinge 14 persons in all & tooke the Indyan skidwarres See page 151.with us··the weather beinge faier & the wynd Calme we rowed to the Weste in amongst many gallant Illands and found the ryver of pemaquyd Pemaquidto be but 4 Leags weste from the Illand we Call St. Georges whear our ships remained still att anckor. hear we Landed in a Lyttell Cove by skyd warres Direction & marched ouer a necke of the Land near three mills So the Indyan skidwarres brought us to the Salvages housses whear they did inhabitt although much against his will for that he told us that they wear all remoued & gon from the place they wear wont to inhabitt. but we answered hem again that we wold nott retorne backe untill shutch time as we had spoken with Som of them. At Length he brought us whear they did inhabytt whear we found near a hundreth of them men wemen and Children. And the Cheeffe Comander of them ys Nahanada att our fryste Seight of them uppon a[164] howlinge or Cry that they mad they all presently Isued forth towards us with thear bowes & arrows & we presently mad a stand & Suffered them to Com near unto us then our Indyan skidwarres spoke unto them in thear language showinge them what we wear which when nahanada thear Comander perseaved what we wear he Caussed them all to laye assyd thear bowes & arrowes and cam unto us and imbrassed us & we did the lyke to them aggain. So we remained with them near to howers & wear in thear housses. Then we tooke our Leave of them & retorned with our Indyan skidwarres with us towards our ships the 8th Daye of August being Satterdaye in the after noon.

Sondaye being the 9th of Auguste in the morninge the most part of our holl company of both our shipes Landed on this Illand the which we call St. Georges Illand whear the Crosse standeth and thear we heard a Sermon delyvred unto us by our preacher Rev. Richard Seymourgyvinge god thanks for our happy metinge & Saffe aryvall into the Contry & So retorned abord aggain.

Mundaye beinge the Xth of Auguste early in the morninge Capt. popham in his shallope with thirty others & Capt. Gilbert in his ships bott with twenty others Acompanede Depted from thear shipes & sailled towards the ryver of pemaquyd & Caryed with us the Indyan skidwarres and Cam to the ryver ryght beffore[165] thear housses whear they no Sooner espyed us but presently Nahanada with all his Indians with thear bowes and arrows in thear hands Cam forth upon the Sands—So we Caussed skidwarres to speak unto hem & we our Selves spok unto hem in Inglyshe givinge hem to understand our Cominge tended to no yvell towards hem Selffe nor any of his peopell. he told us again he wold nott thatt all our peopell should Land. So beccause we woold in no sort offend them, hearuppon Som ten or twelffe of the Cheeff gent Landed & had Some parle together & then afterward they wear well contented that all should Land··So all landed we ussinge them with all the kindnesse that possibell we Could. nevertheless after an hower or to they all Soddainly withdrew them Selves from us into the woods & Lefte us··we perseavinge this presently imbarked our Selves all except skidwarres who was nott Desyerous to retorn with us. We Seeinge this woold in no Sort proffer any Violence unto hem by drawing hem perfforce Suffered hem to remain and staye behinde us. he promyssinge to retorn unto us the next Daye followinge but he heald not his promysse So we imbarked our Selves and went unto the other Syd of the ryver & thear remained uppon the shore the nyght followinge.

Tuesdaye beinge the xjth of Auguste we retorned and cam to our ships whear they still[166] remained att ankor under the Illand we call St. Georges.

Wensdaye being the xijth of Auguste we wayed our anckors and Sett our saills to go for the ryver of Sagadehock··we kept our Course from thence dew Weste until 12 of the Clok mydnyght of the Sam then we stroke our Saills & layed a hull untill the mornynge Doutinge for to over shoot ytt.

in this form being South from ytt,

being est & weste from the Illand of Sutqin
ytt maketh in this form.

Thursdaye in the mornynge breacke of the daye beinge the xiijth of Auguste the Illand of Sutquin Seguinbore north of us nott past halff a leage from us and ytt rysseth in this form hear under followinge the which Illand Lyeth ryght beffore the mouth of the ryver of Sagadehocke Kenebeck River South from ytt near 2 Leags but we did not make ytt to be Sutquin so we Sett our saills & stood to the westward for to Seeke ytt 2 Leags farther & nott fyndinge the ryver of Sagadehocke we knew that we had overshott the place then we wold have retorned but Could nott & the nyght in hand the gifte Sent in her shallop & mad ytt & went into the ryver this nyght but[167] we wear constrained to remain att Sea all this nyght and about mydnight thear arose a great storme & tempest uppon us the which putt us in great daunger and hassard of castinge awaye of our ship & our Lyves by reason we wear so near the shore··the wynd blew very hard att South right in uppon the shore so that by no means we could nott gett of hear we sought all means & did what possybell was to be don for that our Lyves depended on ytt··hear we plyed ytt with our ship of & on all the nyght often times espyeinge many soonken rocks & breatches hard by us enforsynge us to put our ship about & stand from them bearinge saill when ytt was mor fytter to have taken ytt in but that ytt stood uppon our Lyves to do ytt & our bott Soonk att our stern··yet woold we nott cut her from us in hope of the appearinge of the daye··thus we Contynued untill the daye cam then we perseaved our Selves to be hard abord the Lee shore & no waye to escape ytt but by Seekinge the Shore··then we espyed 2 Lyttell Illands Cape Small PointLyeinge under our lee··So we bore up the healme & steerd in our shipe in betwyxt them whear the Lord be praised for ytt we found good and sauffe ankkoringe & thear anckored the storme still contynuinge untill the next daye followynge.

Frydaye beinge the xiiijth of August that we anckored under these Illands thear we repaired our bott being very muche torren & spoilled[168] then after we Landed on this Illand & found 4 salvages & an old woman this Illand ys full of pyne trees & ocke and abundance of whorts of fower Sorts of them.

Satterdaye beinge the 15th of Auguste the storme ended and the wind Cam faier for us to go for Sagadehock so we wayed our anckors & Sett Saill & stood to the estward & cam to the Illand Sutquin which was 2 Leags from those Illands we rod att anker beffor, & hear we anckored under the Illand of Sutqin in the estersyd of ytt for that the wynd was of the shore that wee could no gett into the ryver of Sagadehock & hear Capt. pophams ships bott cam abord of us & gave us xx freshe Cods that they had taken beinge Sent out a fyshinge.

Sondaye beinge the 16th of Auguste Capt. popham Sent his Shallop unto us for to healp us in So we wayed our anckors & beinge Calme we towed in our ship & Cam into the Ryver of Sagadehocke and anckored by the gyfts Syd about xj of the Cloke the Sam daye.

Mundaye beinge the 17th Auguste Capt. popham in his shallop with 30 others & Capt. Gilbert in his shipes bott accompaned with 18 other persons departed early in the morninge from thear ships & sailled up the Ryver of Sagadehock for to vew the Ryver & allso to See whear they myght fynd the most Convenyent place for thear plantation my Selffe beinge[169] with Capt. Gilbert. So we Sailled up into this ryver near 14 Leags and found ytt to be a most gallant ryver very brod & of a good depth··we never had Lesse Watter then 3 fetham when we had Least & abundance of greatt fyshe Sturgeonin ytt Leaping aboue the Watter on eatch Syd of us as we Sailled. So the nyght aprochinge after a whill we had refreshed our Selves uppon the shore about 9 of the Cloke we sett backward to retorn & Cam abourd our shipes the next day followinge about 2 of the Clok in the afternoon We fynd this ryver to be very pleasant with many goodly Illands in ytt & to be both Large & deepe Watter havinge many branches in ytt··that which we tooke bendeth ytt Selffe towards the northest.

Tuesdaye beinge the 18th after our retorn we all went to the shore & thear mad Choies of a place for our plantation which ys at the very mouth or entry of the Ryver of Sagadehocke on the West Syd of the Ryver beinge almoste an Illand Sabino Headof a good bygness··whylst we wear uppon the shore thear Cam in three Cannoos by us but they wold not Com near us but rowed up the Ryver Fort Popham& so past away.

Wensday beinge the 19th Auguste we all went to the shore whear we mad Choise for our plantation and thear we had a Sermon delyvred unto us by our precher and after the Sermon our pattent was red with the orders & Lawes[170] thearin prescrybed & then we retorned abord our ships again.

Thursdaye beinge the 20th of Auguste all our Companyes Landed & thear began to fortefye··our presedent Capt popham Sett the fryst spytt of ground unto ytt and after hem all the rest followed & Labored hard in the trenches about ytt.

Frydaye the 2jth of Auguste all hands Labored hard about the fort Som in the trentch Som for fagetts & our ship Carpenters about the buildinge of a small penis or shallop.

Satterdaye the 22th Auguste Capt. popham early in the morninge departed in his shallop to go for the ryver of pashipskoke··thear Pejepscot or Androscogginthey had parle with the Salvages again who delyvred unto them that they had ben att wars with Sasanoa & had slain his Soone in fyght··skidwares and Dehanada wear in this fyght.

Sondaye the 23th our presedent Capt. popham retorned unto us from the ryver of pashipscoke.

The 24th all Labored about the fort.

Tuesdaye the 25th Capt. Gilbert imbarked hem Selffe with 15 other with hem to go to the Westward uppon Som Discouery but the Wynd was contrary & forsed hem backe again the Sam daye.

The 26th & 27th all Labored hard about the fort.

[171]

Frydaye the 28th Capt. Gilbert with 14 others my Selffe beinge on Imbarked hem to go to the westward again··So the wynd Servinge we Sailled by many gallant Illands Casco Bay& towards nyght the winde Cam Contrary against us So that we wear Constrained to remain that nyght under the head Land called Semeamis Cape Elizabethwhear we found the Land to be most fertill··the trees growinge thear doth exceed for goodnesse & Length being the most part of them ocke & wallnutt growinge a greatt space assoonder on from the other as our parks in Ingland and no thickett growinge under them··hear wee also found a gallant place to fortefye whom Nattuer ytt Selffe hath already framed without the hand of man with a runynge stream of watter hard adjoyninge under the foott of ytt.

Satterdaye the 29th Auguste early in the mornynge we departed from thence & rowed to the westward for that the wind was againste us but the wynd blew so hard that forsed us to remain under an Illand Richmond’s Island2 Leags from the place we remayned the night beffore whilst we remayned under this Illand thear passed to Cannoos by us but they wold nott Com neare us after mydnyght we put from this Illand in hope to have gotten the place we dessyered but the wind arose and blew so hard at Southwest Contrary for us that forsed us to retorn.

Sondaye beinge the 30th Auguste retornynge[172] beffore the wynd we sailled by many goodly Illands for betwixt this head Land called Semeamis & the ryver of Sagadehock ys a great baye in the which Lyeth So many Illands & so thicke & neare together that yo Cannott well desern to Nomber them yet may yo go in betwixt them in a good ship for yo shall have never Lesse Watter the 8 fethams··these Illands ar all overgrowen with woods very thicke as ocks wallnut pyne trees & many other things growinge as Sarsaperilla hassell nuts & whorts in aboundance··So this day we retorned to our fort att Sagadehock.

Munday being the Last of Auguste nothinge hapened but all Labored for the buildinge of the fort & for the storhouse to reseave our vyttuall.

Tuesday the first of September Septemberthear Cam a Canooa unto us in the which was 2 greatt kettells of brasse··Som of our Company did parle with them but they did rest very doutfull of us & wold nott Suffer mor then on att a tyme to Com near unto them So he departed··The Second daye third & 4th nothinge hapened worth the wryttinge but that eatch man did his beste endevour for the buildinge of the fort.

Satterdaye beinge the 5th of September thear Cam into the entraunce of the ryver of Sagadehocke nine Canoos in the which was Dehanada & skidwarres with many others in the wholl[173] near fortye persons men women & Children they Cam & parled with us & we aggain ussed them in all frindly maner We Could & gave them vyttaills for to eatt··So skidwarres & on more of them stayed with us untill nyght··the rest of them withdrew them in thear Canooas to the farther Syd of the ryver. but when nyght Cam for that skidwares woold needs go to the rest of his Company Capt. Gilbert acompaned with James Davis & Capt. ellis best took them into our bott & Caryed them to thear Company on the farther syd the ryver & thear remained amongst them all the nyght & early in the mornynge the Sallvages departed in thear Canooas for the ryver of pemaquid promyssinge Capt. Gilbert to acompany hem in thear Canooas to the ryver of penobskott whear the bashabe remayneth.

The 6th nothinge happened··the 7th our ship the Mary & John began to discharge her vyttualls.

Tuesday beinge the 8th September Capt. Gilbert acompaned with xxij others my Selffe beinge on of them departed from the fort to go for the ryver of penobskott takinge with hem divers Sorts of Merchandise for to trad with the Bashabe who ys the Cheeffe Comander of those parts but the wind was Contrary againste hem so that he could nott Com to dehanada & skidwares at the time apointed for··ytt was the[174] xjth daye beffor he Could gett to the ryver of pemaquid Whear they do make thear abbod.

Frydaye beinge the xjth in the mornynge early we Cam into the ryver of pemaquyd thear to Call nahanada & skidwarres as we had promyste them but beinge thear aryved we found no Lyvinge Creatuer··they all wear gon from thence the which we perseavinge presently departed towards the ryver of penobskott··Saillinge all this daye & the xijth & xiijth the Lyke yett by no means Could we fynd ytt··So our vitall beinge spent we hasted to retorn··So the wynd Cam faier for us & we Sailled all the 14th & 15th dayes in retornynge the Wind blowinge very hard att north & this mornynge the 15th daye we pseaved a blassing star in the northest of vs.

The 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th 2jth 22th nothinge hapened but all Labored hard about the fort & the store house for to Land our wyttaills.

The 23th beinge Wensdaye Capt. Gilbert acompaned with 19 others my Selffe on of them departed from the fort to go for the head of the ryver of Sagadehock··we Sailled all this daye So did we the Lyke the 24th untill the evenynge then we Landed thear to remain that Nyght··hear we found a gallant Champion Land & exceedinge fertill So hear we remayned all nyght.

The 25th beinge frydaye early in the mornynge we departed from hence & sailled up the[175] ryver about eyght Leags farther untill we Cam unto an Illand Augustabeinge Lo Land & flatt··att this Illand ys a great down Fall of watter the which runeth by both Sydes of this Illand very swyfte & shallow··in this Illand we found greatt store of grapes exceedinge good and sweett of to Sorts both red butt the on of them ys a mervellous deepe red. by both the syds of this ryver the grapes grow in aboundance & allso very good Hoppes & also Chebolls & garleck. Wild onionand for the goodnesse of the Land ytt doth so far abound that I Cannott allmost expresse the Sam hear we all went ashore & with a stronge Rope made fast to our bott & on man in her to gyde her aggainst the Swyfte stream we pluckt her up throwe ytt perforce··after we had past this down-Fall we all went into our bott again & rowed near a Leage farther up into the ryver & nyght beinge att hand we hear stayed all nyght. & in the fryst of the night about ten of the Cloke thear Cam on the farther syd of the ryver sartain Salvages Calling unto us in broken inglyshe··we answered them aggain So for this time they departed.

The 26th beinge Satterdaye thear Cam a Canooa unto us & in hear fower salvages those that had spoken unto us in the nyght beffore his name that Came unto us ys Sabenoa··he macks himselffe unto us to be Lord of the ryver of Sagadehock.

[176]
[177]

## Henry Hudson
1609
PENOBSCOT
&
THE FISHING BANKS

[178]

Henry Hudson, having tried in vain to find a sea route to China through the ice fields which stretched across his path all the way from Greenland to Spitzbergen or Willoughby Land, transferred his services in the winter of 1609 from the English Muscovy Company to the Dutch East India Company. He started to make a further trial of the Northeast passage, but while off the coast of Novaya Zemlya, his crews refused to go further in that direction. Abandoned by his consort, Hudson persuaded the men on his own ship, the Half Moon, to cross the Atlantic and try their luck in America. They made land on the Nova Scotia coast, and after beating about over the fishing banks and looking at the shores of Maine and southeastern Massachusetts, went on to another landfall in the latitude of Virginia. Turning northward, they sailed up the coast and into the river which has since borne their leader’s name.

The surviving log-book or journal of Hudson’s third voyage was kept by Robert Juet, who had been his mate during the second voyage, and who took a leading part in the mutiny which ended when the leader was turned adrift in a small boat in Hudson’s Bay in 1611. It was printed in the third volume of “Purchas his Pilgrimes,” London, 1625.

[179]

THE THIRD VOYAGE of Master Henry Hudson, Written by Robert Juet, of Lime-House.

THE twelfth of July was very foggie, 1609 July we stood our course all the morning till eleven of the clocke; at which time we had sight of land, which is low white sandie ground, right on head off us; and had ten fathoms. Then we tackt to the southward, and stood off foure glasses: then we tackt to the land againe, thinking to have rode under it, and as we came neere it, the fog was so thicke that we could not see; so wee stood off againe. From mid-night to two of the clocke, we came sounding in twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathoms off the shoare. At foure of the clocke, we had 20 fathoms. At eight of the clocke at night, 30 fathoms. At twelve of the clocke, 65 fathoms, and but little winde, for it deeped apace, but the neerer the shoare the fairer shoalding.

The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather, from eight of the clocke in the fore-noone all day after, but in the morning it was foggie.[180] Then at eight of the clocke we cast about for the shoare, but could not see it; the wind being at south by our true compasse, wee steered west and by north. At noone we observed, and found our height to bee 43 degrees, 25 minutes; so we steered away west and by north all the afternoone. At foure of the clocke in the afternoone we sounded, and had five and thirtie fathoms. And at sixe of the clocke wee had sight of the land, and saw two sayles on head off us. The land by the waters side is low land, and white sandie bankes rising, full of little hils. Our soundings were 35, 33, 30, 28, 32, 37, 33, and 32 fathoms.

The fourteenth, full of mysts flying and vading, the wind betweene south and south-west; we steered away west north-west, and north-west and by west. Our soundings were 29, 25, 24, 25, 22, 25, 27, 30, 28, 30, 35, 43, 50, 70, 90, 70, 64, 86, 100 fathoms, and no ground.

The fifteenth, very mystie, the winde varying betweene south and south-west; wee steered west and by north, and west north-west. In the morning we sounded, and had one hundred fathoms, till foure of the clocke in the afternoone. Then we sounded againe, and had seventie-five fathoms. Then in two glasses running, which was not above two English miles, we sounded and had sixtie fathoms, and it shoalded[181] a great pace untill we came to twentie fathoms. Then we made account we were neere the islands that lie off the shoare. So we came to an anchor, the sea being very smooth and little wind, at nine of the clocke at night. After supper we tryed for fish, and I caught fifteene cods, some the greatest that I have seene, and so we rode all night.

The sixteenth, in the morning, it cleered up, and we had sight of five islands Eastern Mainelying north, and north and by west from us, two leagues. Then wee made ready to set sayle, but the myst came so thicke that we durst not enter in among them.

The seventeenth, was all mystie, so that we could not get into the harbour. At ten of the clocke two boats came off to us, with sixe of the savages of the countrey, seeming glad of our comming. We gave them trifles, and they eate and dranke with us; and told us that there were gold, silver and copper mynes hard by us; and that the French-men doe trade with them; which is very likely, for one of them spake some words of French. So wee rode still all day and all night, the weather continuing mystie.

The eighteenth, faire weather, wee went into a very good harbour, and rode hard by the shoare in foure fathoms water. The river runneth up a great way, Penobscotbut there is but two fathoms[182] hard by us. We went on shoare and cut us a fore mast; then at noone we came aboord againe, and found the height of the place to bee in 44 degrees, 1 minute, and the sunne to fall at a south south-west sunne. We mended our sayles, and fell to make our fore-mast. The harbour lyeth south and north, a mile in where we rode.

The nineteenth, we had faire sun-shining weather, we rode still. In the after-noone wee went with our boate to looke for fresh water, and found some; and found a shoald with many lobsters on it, and caught one and thirtie. The people coming aboord, shewed us great friendship, but we could not trust them. The twentieth, faire sunne-shining weather, the winde at south-west. In the morning, our scute went out to catch fresh fish halfe an houre before day, and returned in two houres, bringing seven and twentie great coddes, with two hookes and lines. In the afternoone wee went for more lobsters and caught fortie, and returned aboord. Then wee espied two French shallops full of the country people come into the harbour, but they offered us no wrong, seeing we stood upon our guard. They brought many beaver skinnes and other fine furres, which they would have changed for redde gownes. For the French trade with them for red cassocks, knives, hatchets, copper, kettles, trevits, beades, and other trifles.

[183]

The one and twentieth, all mystie, the wind easterly, wee rode still and did nothing, but about our mast. The two and twentieth, fair sun-shining weather, the winde all northerly, we rode still all the day. In the after-noone our scute went to catch more lobsters, and brought with them nine and fiftie. The night was cleere weather.

The three and twentieth, faire sun shining weather and very hot. At eleven of the clocke our fore mast was finished, and wee brought it aboord, and set it into the step, and in the after-noone we rigged it. This night we had some little myst and rayne.

The foure and twentieth, very hot weather, the winde at south out of the sea. The fore-part of the day wee brought to our sayles. In the morning our scute went to take fish, and in two houres they brought with them twentie great coddes and a great holibut; the night was faire also. We kept good watch for fear of being betrayed by the people, and perceived where they layd their shallops.

The five and twentieth, very faire weather and hot. In the morning wee manned our scute with foure muskets and sixe men, and tooke one of their shallops and brought it aboord. Then we manned our boat and scute with twelve men and muskets, and two stone pieces or murderers, and drave the savages from their houses,[184] and tooke the spoyle of them, as they would have done of us. Then wee set sayle, and came downe to the harbours mouth, and rode there all night, because the winde blew right in, and the night grew mystie with much rayne till mid-night. Then it fell calme, and the wind came off the land at west north-west, and it began to cleere. The compasse varyed ten degrees north-west.

The sixe and twentieth, faire and cleere sunne-shining weather. At five of the clocke in the morning, the winde being off the shoare at north north-west, we set sayle and came to sea, and by noone we counted our ship had gone fourteene leagues south-west. In the afternoone, the winde shifted variably betweene west south-west and north-west. At noone I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 56 minutes. This evening being very faire weather, wee observed the variation of our compasse at the sunnes going downe, and found it to bee 10 degrees from the north to the westward.

The seven and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the winde shifting betweene the south-west and west and by north, a stiffe gale; we stood to the southward all day, and made our way south and by west, seven and twentie leagues. At noone, our height was 42 degrees, 50 minutes. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to the north-ward.[185] At eight of the clocke, we tooke in our top-sayles and our fore-bonnet, and went with a short sayle all night.

The eight and twentieth, very thicke and mystie, and a stiffe gale of wind, varying betweene south south-west and south-west and by west; we made our way north-west and by west, seven and twentie leagues; wee sounded many times and could get no ground. At five of the clocke we cast about to the southward, the wind at south-west and by west. At which time we sounded, and had ground at seventie-five fathoms. At eight, wee had sixtie-five fathoms. At ten, sixtie. At twelve of the clocke at mid-night, fiftie-sixe fathoms, gray sand.

The compasse varyed 6 degrees the north point to the west.

The nine and twentieth, faire weather, we stood to the southward, and made our way south and by west a point south, eighteene leagues. At noone we found our height to be 42 degrees 56 minutes; wee sounded oft and had these, 60, 64, 65, 67, 65, 65, 70, and 75 fathoms. At night wee tryed the variation of our compasse by the setting of the sunne, and found that it went downe 37 degrees to the northward of the west, and should have gone downe but 31 degrees. The compasse varyed 5 and a halfe degrees.

The thirtieth, very hot, all the fore part of[186] the day calme, the wind at south south-east; wee steered away west south-west and sounded many times, and could find no ground at one hundred and seventie fathomes. We found a great current and many over-falls. Our current had deceived us. For at noone we found our height to be 41 degrees 34 minutes. And the current had heaved us to the southward foureteene leagues. At eight of the clocke at night I sounded, and had ground in fiftie-two fathomes. In the end of the mid-night watch wee had fiftie-three fathomes. This last observation is not to be trusted.

The one and thirtieth, very thicke and mystie all day, untill tenne of the clocke. At night the wind came to the south, and south-west and south. We made our way west north-west nineteene leagues. Wee sounded many times, and had difference of soundings, sometimes little stones, and sometimes grosse gray sand, fiftie-sixe, fiftie-foure, fortie-eight, fortie-seven, fortie-foure, fortie-sixe, fiftie fathoms; and at eight of the clocke at night it fell calme, and we had fiftie fathomes. And at ten of the clocke we heard a great rut, like the rut of the shoare. Then I sounded and found the former depth; and mistrusting a current, seeing it so still that the ship made no way, I let the lead lie on the ground, and found a tide set to the south-west, and south-west and by west, so fast, that I could[187] hardly vere the line so fast, and presently came an hurling current, or tyde with over-fals, which cast our ship round; and the lead was so fast in the ground that I feared the lines breaking, and we had no more but that. At midnight I sounded againe, and we had seventie-five fathomes; and the strong streame had left us.

The first of August, Augustall the fore part of the day was mystie, and at noone it cleered up. We found that our height was 41 degrees 45 minutes, and we had gone nineteene leagues. The after-noon was reasonable cleere. We found a rustling tide or current with many over-fals to continue still, and our water to change colour, and our sea to bee very deepe, for wee found no ground in one hundred fathomes. The night was cleere, and the winde came to the north, and north north-east, we steered west.

The second, very faire weather and hot: from the morning till noone we had a gale of wind, but in the after-noone little wind. At noone I sounded and had one hundred and ten fathomes; and our height was 41 degrees 56 minutes. And wee had runne four and twentie leagues and an halfe. At the sun-setting we observed the variation of the compasse, and found that it was come to his true place. At eight of the clocke the gale increased, so wee ranne sixe leagues that watch, and had a very faire and cleere night.

[188]

The third, very hot weather. In the morning we had sight of the land, Cape Malabarand steered in with it, thinking to go to the northward of it. So we sent our shallop with five men to sound in by the shore: and they found it deepe five fathomes within bow-shot of the shoare; and they went on land, and found goodly grapes and rose trees, and brought them aboord with them, at five of the clocke in the eevening. We had seven and twentie fathomes within two miles of the shoare; and we found a floud come from the south-east, and an ebbe from the northwest, with a very strong streame, and a great hurling and noyses. At eight of the clocke at night the wind began to blow a fresh gale, and continued all night but variable. Our sounding that wee had to the land was one hundred, eightie, seventie-foure, fiftie-two, fortie-sixe, twentie-nine, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, nineteene, seventeene, sometimes oze, and sometimes gray sand.

The fourth, was very hot: we stood to the north-west two watches, and one south in for the land, and came to an anchor at the norther end of the headland, and heard the voyce of men call. Then we sent our boat on shoare, thinking they had beene some Christians left on the land: but wee found them to bee savages, which seemed very glad of our comming. So wee brought one aboord with us, and gave him[189] meate, and he did eate and drinke with us. Our master gave him three or foure glasse buttons, and sent him on land with our shallop againe. And at our boats comming from the shoare he leapt and danced, and held up his hands, and pointed us to a river on the other side: for we had made signes that we came to fish there. The bodie of this headland lyeth in 41 degrees 45 minutes. We set sayle againe after dinner, thinking to have got to the westward of this headland, but could not; so we beare up to the southward of it, and made a south-east way; and the souther point did beare west at eight of the clocke at night. Our soundings about the easter and norther part of this headland, a league from the shoare are these: at the easterside thirtie, twentie-seven, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, twentie-five, twentie. The north-east point 17 degrees 18 minutes, and so deeper. The north end of this headland, hard by the shoare thirtie fathomes: and three leagues off north north-west, one hundred fathomes. At the south-east part a league off, fifteene, sixteene, and seventeene fathomes. The people have greene tabacco and pipes, the boles whereof are made of earth and the pipes of red copper. The land is very sweet.

The fift, all mystie. At eight of the clocke in the morning wee tact about to the westward, and stood in till foure of the clocke in[190] the after-noone; at which time it cleered, and wee had sight of the head-land againe five leagues from us. The souther point of it did beare west off us: and we sounded many times, and had no ground. And at foure of the clocke we cast about, and at our staying wee had seventie fathomes. Wee steered away south and south by east all night, and could get no ground at seventie and eightie fathomes. For wee feared a great riffe that lyeth off the land, and steered away south and by east.

The sixth, faire weather, but many times mysting. Wee steered away south south-east, till eight of the clocke in the morning; then it cleered a little, and we cast about to the westward. Then we sounded and had thirtie fathomes, grosse sand, and were come to the riffe. Then wee kept our lead, and had quicke shoalding from thirtie, twentie-nine, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, twentie-two, twentie and an halfe, twentie, twentie, nineteene, nineteene, nineteene, eighteene, eighteene, seventeene; and so deeping againe as proportionally as it shoalded. For we steered south and south-east till we came to twentie-sixe fathomes. Then we steered south-west, for so the tyde doth set. By and by, it being calme, we tryed by our lead; for you shall have sixteene or seventeene fathomes, and the next cast but seven or six fathomes. And farther to the westward[191] you shall have foure and five foot water, and see rockes under you and you shall see the land in the top. Upon this riffe we had an observation, and found that it lyeth in 40 degrees, 10 minutes. And this is that headland which Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold discovered in the yeere 1602, and called Cape Cod, because of the store of cod-fish that hee found thereabout. So we steered south-west three leagues, and had twentie and twentie-foure fathomes. Then we steered west two glasses, halfe a league, and came to fifteene fathomes. Then we steered off south-east foure glasses, but could not get deepe water; for there the tyde of ebbe laid us on; and the streame did hurle so, that it laid us so neere the breach of a shoald that wee were forced to anchor. So at seven of the clocke at night wee were at an anchor in tenne fathomes: and I give God most heartie thankes, the least water wee had was seven fathomes and an halfe. We rode still all night, and at a still water I sounded so farre round about our ship as we could see a light; and had no lesse then eight, nine, ten, and eleven fathomes: the myst continued being very thicke.

The seventh, faire weather and hot, but mystie. Wee rode still hoping it would cleere, but on the floud it fell calme and thicke. So we rode still all day and all night. The floud commeth from the south-west, and riseth not above[192] one fathome and an halfe in nepe streames. Toward night it cleered, and I went with our shallop and sounded, and found no lesse water then eight fathomes to the south-east off us; but we saw to the north-west off us great breaches.

The eight, faire and cleere weather. In the morning, by sixe of the clocke, at slake water, wee weighed, the wind at north-east, and set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayle, and got a mile over the flats. Then the tyde of ebbe came, so we anchored againe till the floud came. Then we set sayle againe, and by the great mercie of God wee got cleere off them by one of the clocke this afternoone. And wee had sight of the land from the west north-west to the north north-west. So we steered away south south-east all night, and had ground untill the middle of the third watch. Then we had fortie-five fathomes, white sand and little stones. So all our soundings are twentie, twentie, twentie-two, twentie-seven, thirtie-two, fortie-three, fortie-three, fortie-five. Then no ground in seventie fathomes.

[193]

## Samuel Argall
1610
PENOBSCOT BAY

[194]

Samuel Argall first visited Virginia in 1609, when he demonstrated the possibility of making the voyage from England by a more direct route than that by way of the Azores and the West Indies. For the next decade Argall was constantly associated with the affairs of the Jamestown colony. In 1610 he reached the settlement with supplies and recruits from England barely in time to prevent its abandonment. As the provisions which he brought afforded only a temporary relief, he started off at once for the Bermudas. His experiences during the voyage are told in his journal, which is here reprinted from the fourth volume of “Purchas his Pilgrimes,” printed at London in 1625.

Argall made two more voyages to the New England coast in 1613, first to investigate the reports that the French were making settlements on Mount Desert and at the mouth of the St. Croix River, and then to complete the destruction of the houses and fortifications begun by the French. For reasons of policy, it may be, no detailed accounts of these later voyages appear to have been preserved.

[195]

THE VOYAGE OF Captaine Samvel Argal, from Iames Towne in Virginia, to seek the Ile of Bermuda, and missing the same, his putting ouer toward Sagadahoc and Cape Cod, and so backe againe to Iames Towne, begun the nineteenth of Iune, 1610.

SIR GEORGE SUMMERS, being bound for the Ile of Bermuda with two Pinnaces, 1610 Junethe one called the Patience, wherein he sailed himselfe, set saile from Iames Towne in Virginia, the ninteenth of Iune, 1610. The two and twentieth at noone we came to an anchor at Cape Henry, to take more balast. The weather proued very wet: so wee road vnder the Cape till two of the clocke, the three and twentieth in the morning. Then we[196] weighed and stood off to Sea, the wind at South-west. And till eight of the clocke at night it was all Southerly, and then that shifted to South-west. The Cape then bearing West, about eight leagues off. Then wee stirred Steeredaway South-east. The foure and twentieth, at noone I obserued the Sunne, and found my selfe to bee in thirtie sixe degrees, fortie seuen minutes, about twentie leagues off from the Land. From the foure and twentieth at noone, to the fiue and twentieth at noone, sixe leagues East, the wind Southerly, but for the most part it was calme. From the fiue and twentieth at noone, to the sixe and twentieth about sixe of the clocke in the morning, the winde was all Southerly, and but little. And then it beganne to blow a fresh gale at West South-west. So by noone I had sailed fourteene leagues East, South-east pricked. From the sixe and twentieth at noone, to the seuen and twentieth at noone, twentie leagues East, South-east. The wind shifting from the West, South-west Southerly, and so to the East, and the weather faire, but close. From the seuen and twentieth at noone, to the eight and twentieth at noone, sixe and twentie leagues East, South-east, the wind shifting backe againe from the East to the West. Then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees fiftie foure minutes. From the eight and twentieth at noone,[197] to the nine and twentieth at noone, thirtie sixe leagues East by South, the wind at West, North-west. Then by my obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees, thirtie minutes pricked. From the nine and twentieth at noone to the thirtieth at noone, thirtie fiue leagues East, South-east. The winde shifting betweene West, North-west, and West, South-west, blowing a good fresh gale. Then by my obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie foure degrees, fortie nine minutes pricked. From the thirtieth of Iune at noone, to the first of Iuly at noone, thirtie leagues South-east by East, the winde at west, then I found the ship in thirtie foure degrees pricked.

From the first of Iuly at noone, Julyto the second at noon, twentie leagues East, South-east southerly, the wind West, then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees, thirtie minutes pricked, the weather very faire. From the second at noone, to the third at foure of the clocke in the afternoone it was calme, then it beganne to blow a resonable fresh gale at South-east: so I made account that the ship had driuen about sixe leagues in that time East. The Sea did set all about the West. From that time to the fourth at noone, seuenteen leagues East by North, the wind shifting betweene South-east and South South-west, then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees, fortie minutes, the[198] weather continued very faire. From the fourth at noone, to the fifth at noone, ten leagues South-east, the wind and weather as before, then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, seuenteene minutes pricked. From the fift at noone, to the sixt at noone, eight leagues South-west, then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees, fiftie seuen minutes pricked; the wind and weather continued as before, only we had a small showre or two of raine. From the sixt at noone, to the seuenth at noone, seuenteene leagues East by North, then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, the wind and weather as before. From the seuenth at noon, to the eight at noone, fourteene leagues North-east, then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, thirtie two minutes, the wind and weather continued as before. From the eight at noon to the ninth at noone, fiue leagues South-east, there I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, twentie one minutes, the wind at South-west, the weather very faire. From the ninth at noone, to the tenth at noone, fiue leagues South, the wind westerly; but for the most part it was calme, and the weather very faire. From the tenth at noone, to the eleuenth at noone it was calme, and so continued vntill nine of the clocke the same night, then it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale at South-east, and continued all that night betweene South-east[199] and South, and vntill the twelfth day at noone: by which time I had sailed fifteene leagues West southerly: then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees, thirtie minutes. From that time to foure of the clock the twelfth day in the morning twelue leagues West by North, the wind all southerly, and then it shifted betweene South and South-west, then wee tacked about and stood South-east, and South-east by South: so by noone I had sayled fiue leagues South-east by East; then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees ten minutes. From the thirteenth at noone, to the fourteenth at noone, twenty leagues South-east by East, the wind shifting betweene the South-west, and West South-west, then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees, thirtie fiue minutes. From the fourteenth at noone, to the fifteenth at noone, twentie leagues South-east, then I found the ship to be in thirty two degrees, the wind as before: then we tacked about, and lay North-west by West. From the fifteenth at noone, to the sixteenth at noone, twelue leagues North by West, the wind shifting betweene South-west and West, and the weather very stormy, with many sudden gusts of wind and rayne.

And about sixe of the clocke in the after-noone, being to windward of our Admirall I bare vp vnder his lee: who when I hayled him, told me that he would tack it vp no longer,[200] because hee was not able to keepe the sea any longer, for lacke of a road and water: but that hee would presently steere away North North-west, to see if he could fetch Cape Cod. Which without delay he put in execution. His directions I followed: so from the sixteenth day at noone, to the seuenteenth at noone I had sailed thirtie eight leagues North North-west: then I found my ship to be in thirtie foure degrees, ten minutes. The seuenteenth and eighteenth dayes were very wet and stormy, and the winds shifting all points of the Compasse. The nineteenth day, about foure of the clocke in the morning it began to cleere vp, and then we had a very stiffe gale betweene East and North-east. From the seuenteenth at noone, to the nineteenth at noone, I had sayled fiftie fiue leagues North North-west, then I found the ship to be thirtie sixe degrees, thirty minutes. From the nineteenth at noone, to the twentieth at noone, thirty fiue leagues North-west: then I was in thirty seuen degrees, fifty two minutes, the weather now was fairer and the wind all easterly. From the twentieth at noone, to the twentie one at noone, we sayled twenty leagues North by West, the wind betweene East and South-east, and the weather very faire. At the sunne setting I obserued, and found thirteene degrees, and an halfe of westerly variation, and vntill midnight we had a reasonable fresh gale[201] of wind all southerly, and then it fell calme and rained, and so continued very little wind vntill the two and twentieth at noone, and shifting all the points of the Compasse: yet by mine obseruation that I made then, I found that the ship had run twentie fiue leagues North, for I found her to be in forty degrees, one minute, which maketh me thinke that there was some tide or current that did set Northward. Againe, those that had the second watch did say, That in their watch they did see a race, and that ship did driue apace to the Northward, when she had not a breath of wind.

From the two and twentieth at noone, vntill ten of the clocke at night, we had a fresh gale of wind, betweene East and South-east, and then it shifted all westerly, and so continued vntill two of the clocke the twenty three in the morning: and then it began to be very foggy and but little wind, yet shifting all the points of the Compasse, and so continued vntill ten of the clocke and then it began to cleere vp. At twelue of the clocke I obserued, and then I found the ship to be in fortie degrees fiftie minutes: so from the twenty two at noone, to the twenty three at noone I had sayled twenty leagues Northward. From the twenty three at noone, to the twenty foure, at three of the clocke in the morning it was calme, and then we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly,[202] and so it continued vntill noon southerly, in which time I had sailed twelue leagues North. And about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, we had forty seuen fathoms of water, Fishing Banks which water we did find to be changed into a grasse green in the morning, yet we would not heaue a lead, because our Admirall was so farre on head of vs: who about three of the clocke in the afternoone lay by the lee, and fished till I came vp to him: and then I fitted my selfe and my boat, and fished vntill sixe of the clocke. And then the Admirall fitted his sailes, and stirred away North, whom I followed with all the speed I could. But before seuen of the clocke there fell such a myst, that I was faine to shoot off a Peece, which he answered with a Cornet that he had aboord. So with hallowing and making a noyse one to another all the night we kept company. About two of the clocke, the twenty fiue day in the morning we tooke in all our sailes, and lay at Hull vntill fiue of the clocke: and then finding but small store of fish, we set saile and stirred away North-west, to fetch the mayne land to relieue our selues with wood and water, which we stood in great need of. About two of the clocke in the afternoone we tooke in all our sailes and lay at Hull, at which time I heaued the lead three times together, and had three sundry kindes of soundings. The first a blacke peppery sand, full[203] of peble stones. The second blacke peppery, and no stones: The third, blacke peppery, and two or three stones.

From the fourth at noone, to the twentie fiue, at two of the clocke in the afternoone, I sayled thirteene leagues West North-west: and the weather continuing very foggy, thicke, and rainy, about fiue of the clocke it began to cease, and then we began to fish, and so continued vntill seuen of the clocke in betweene thirty and forty fathoms, and then we could fish no longer. So hauing gotten betweene twentie and thirty Cods, we left for that night: and at fiue of the clocke, the twenty sixe in the morning we began to fish againe, and so continued vntill ten of the clocke, and then it would fish no longer: in which time we had taken neere one hundred Cods, and a couple of Hollybuts. All this while wee had betweene thirty and forty fathoms water: before one of the clocke in the afternoone we found the ship driuen into one hundred and twenty fathoms, and soft blacke Ose. Then Sir George Somers sent me word, that he would set saile, and stand in for the Riuer of Sagadahoc; whose directions I followed.

Before two of the clocke we set saile, and stirred away North-west by North, the wind South South-west, and the weather continued very foggy. About eight of the clocke wee[204] tooke in all our sailes, and lay at Hull at that night. The seuen and twentieth, about seuen of the clocke in the morning we heaued the lead, and had no ground in one hundred and twentie fathoms. Then I shot off a Peece, but could not heare none answere from our Admirall: and the weather was so thicke, that we could not see a Cables length from our ship. Betweene nine and ten of the clock we did thinke that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to windward: which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile, and that it was a warning piece from him. So I set sayle and stood close by the wind, and kept an hollowing and a noise to try whether I could find him againe: the wind was at South-west, and I stood away West North-west. From the sixe and twentieth, at two of the clocke in the afternoone, to eight of the clocke at night I had sayled nine leagues North-west. The seuen and twentieth at noone I heaued the Lead, in one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I stirred away North-west, till foure of the clocke at night: then I heaued the Lead againe one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I tooke all my sailes and lay at Hull, and I had sayled seuen leagues North-west. The eight and twentieth, at seuen of the clocke in the morning I did sound in one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I[205] set sayle againe, and steered away North, and North by West. At noone I heaued in one hundred and twenty fathoms againe, and had no ground. So I steered on my course still, the wind shifted betweene South and South-west, and the fog continued. At foure of the clocke in the afternoone, I heaued one hundred twenty fathoms againe, and had no ground: so I stood on vntill eight of the clocke, by which time I had sailed twelue leagues: then I heaued the Lead againe, and had blacke Ose, and one hundred thirty fiue fathoms water. Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull vntill the nine and twentieth, at fiue of the clocke in the morning. Then I set saile againe, and steered away North, and North by West. At eight of the clocke I heaued the Lead againe, and had blacke Ose in one hundred and thirty fathoms water. Betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke it began to thunder, but the fogge continued not still. About two of the clocke in the afternoone, I went out with my Boat my selfe and heaued the Lead, and had blacke Ose in ninety fathoms water: by which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more. Then I tooke in all my sayles sauing my Fore-course and Bonnet, and stood in with those sailes onely. About sixe of the clocke I sounded againe, and then I had sixty fiue fathoms water. As soone as I came aboord it cleered vp, and then I saw[206] a small Iland, which bare North about two leagues off; whereupon I stood in vntill eight of the clocke: And then I stood off againe vntill two of the clocke in the morning the thirtieth day. Then I stood in againe, and about eight of the clocke I was faire aboord the Iland. Then I manned my Boat and went on shoare, where I found great store of Seales: And I killed three Seales with my hanger. This Iland is not halfe a mile about, nothing but a Rocke, which seemed to be very rich Marble stone. And a South South-west Moon maketh a full Sea. About ten of the clocke I came aboord againe, with some Wood that I had found vpon the Iland, for there had beene some folkes that had made fiers there. Seal Rock and Matinicus outside Penobscot BayThen I stood ouer to another Iland that did beare North off me about three leagues; this small rockie Iland lyeth in forty foure degrees. About seuen of the clocke that night I came to an anchor among many Ilands in eight fathoms water: and vpon one of these Ilands I fitted my selfe with Wood and Water, and Balast.

The third day of August, Augustbeing fitted to put to Sea againe, I caused the Master of the ship to open the boxe wherein my Commission was, to see what directions I had, and for what place I was bound to shape my course. Then I tried whether there were any fish there or not, and I found reasonable good store there; so I stayed[207] there fishing till the twelfth of August: and then finding that the fishing did faile, I thought good to returne to the Iland where I had killed the Seales, to see whether I could get any store of them or not; for I did find that they were very nourishing meate, and a great reliefe to my men, and that they would be very well saued with salt to keepe a long time. But when I came thither I could not by any meanes catch any. The fourteenth day at noone I obserued the Sun, and found the Iland to lie in forty three degrees, forty minutes. Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod, to see whether I could get any fish there or not: so by the fifteenth at noone, I had sailed thirty two leagues South-west, the wind for the most part was betweene North-west and North. From the fifteenth at noone, to the sixteenth at noone I ran twenty leagues South, the wind shifting betweene West and South-west. And then I sounded and had ground in eighteene fathoms water, full of shels and peble stones of diuers colours, some greene, and some blewish, some like diamants, and some speckled. Then I tooke in all my sayles, and set all my company to fishing, and fished till eight of the clocke that night: and finding but little fish there, I set sayle againe, and by the seuenteenth at noone I had sayled ten leagues West by North, the wind shifting betweene South and South-west. From noone, till sixe of the[208] clocke at night, foure leagues North-west, the wind shifting betweene West and South-west. Then it did blow so hard that I tooke in all my sayles, and lay at hull all that night, vntill fiue of the clock the eighteenth day in the morning: and then I set saile againe, and by noone I had sailed foure leagues North-west, the wind betweene West and South-west. From the eighteenth at noone, to the nineteenth at noone ten leagues West by West, the wind shifting betweene South and South-west, and the weather very thick and foggy.

About seuen of the clocke at night the fogge began to breake away, and the wind did shift westerly, and by midnight it was shifted to the North, and there it did blow very hard vntill the twenty at noone: but the weather was very cleere, and then by my obseruation I found the ship to bee in the latitude of forty one degrees, forty foure minutes, and I had sailed twenty leagues South-west by West. From the nineteenth at noone, to the twentieth at noone: about two of the clocke in the afternoone I did see an Hed-land, Cape Codwhich did beare off me South-west, about foure leagues: so I steered with it, taking it to bee Cape Cod; and by foure of the clocke I was fallen among so many shoales, that it was fiue of the clocke the next day in the morning before I could get cleere of them, it is a very dangerous place to fall withall: for the[209] shoales lie at the least ten leagues off from the Land; and I had vpon one of them but one fathom and an halfe water, and my Barke did draw seuen foot. This Land lyeth South-west, and North-east, and the shoales lie off from it South and South by West, and so along toward the North. At the North-west by West Guards I obserued the North-starre, and found the ship to be in the latitude of fortie one degrees, fiftie minutes, being then in the middle of the Sholdes: and I did finde thirteene degrees westerly variation then likewise. Thus finding the place not to be for my turne, as soon as I was cleere of these dangers, I thought it fit to returne to Iames Towne in Virginia, to the Lord De-lawarre, my Lord Gouernour, and there to attend his command: so I shaped my course for that place.

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[211]

## John Smith
1614
MONHEGAN

[212]

John Smith, in the autumn of 1609, returned to England from Virginia, to answer charges against his administration, and thereafter he had no official connection with that colony. Two years later he was sent to New England by some London merchants who had engaged in a trading and fishing venture. While his companions were occupied with the business of securing a return cargo, Smith made an exploring trip along the coast. His observations, supplemented by charts and information secured from other navigators, enabled him to prepare the first published map which gives an accurate contour of the coast. In 1615 Smith made two unsuccessful attempts to revisit New England, and in 1617 he again planned to take part in an expedition which never left port. His “Description of New-England,” printed in 1616, was followed in 1620 by his “New-Englands Trials,” which contains a brief summary of the voyages and attempts at colonization northward of Virginia.

Earliest Book in which the Name “New England” occurs
A
DESCRIPTION
of New England:
OR
THE OBSERVATIONS, AND
discoueries, of Captain Iohn Smith (Admirall
of that Country) in the North of America, in the year
of our Lord 1614: with the successe of sixe Ships,
that went the next yeare 1615; and the
accidents befell him among the
French men of warre:
With the proofe of the present benefit this
Countrey affoords: whither this present yeare,
1616, eight voluntary Ships are gone
to make further tryall.
At LONDON
Printed by Humfrey Lownes, for Robert Clerke; and
are to be sould at his house called the Lodge,
in Chancery lane, ouer against Lincolnes
Inne, 1616.

[213

A DESCRIPTION of New England, by Captaine John Smith.

IN the moneth of Aprill, 1614, with two Ships from London, April 1614of a few Marchants, I chanced to arrive in New-England, a parte of Ameryca, at the Ile of Monahiggan, in 43½ of Northerly latitude: Monheganour plot was there to take Whales and make tryalls of a Myne of Gold and Copper. If those failed, Fish and Furres was then our refuge, to make our selves savers howsoever: we found this Whalefishing a costly conclusion: we saw many, and spent much time in chasing them; but could not kill any: They beeing a kinde of Iubartes, and not the Whale that yeeldes Finnes and Oyle as wee expected. For our Golde, it was rather the Masters device to get a voyage that proiected it, then any knowledge hee had at all of any such matter. Fish and Furres was now our guard: and by our late arrival, and long lingring about the Whale, the prime of both those seasons were past ere wee perceived it; we thinking that their seasons served at all times: but wee found it otherwise; for by the midst of Iune,[214] the fishing failed. Yet in Iuly and August some was taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we made about 40000. of Cor-fish about 7000. Whilest the sailers fished, my selfe with eight or nine others of them might best bee spared; Ranging the coast in a small boat, wee got for trifles neer 1100 Bever skinnes, 100 Martins, and neer as many Otters; and the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged the Coast both East and West much furder; but Eastwards our commodities were not esteemed, they were so neare the French who affords them better: and right against us in the Main was a Ship of Sir Frances Popphames, that had there such acquaintance, having many yeares used onely that porte, Sagadahock Colonythat the most parte there was had by him. And 40 leagues westwards were two French Ships, that had made there a great voyage by trade, during the time wee tryed those conclusions, not knowing the Coast, nor Salvages habitation. With these Furres, the Traine, and Cor-fish I returned for England in the Bark: where within six monthes after our departure from the Downes, we safe arrived back. The best of this fish was solde for five pound the hundreth, the rest by ill usage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings. The other Ship staied to fit herselfe for Spaine with the dry fish which was sould, by the Sailers[215] reporte that returned, at forty ryalls the quintall, each hundred weighing two quintalls and a halfe.

New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea opposite to Nova Albyon Californiain the South Sea; discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his voyage about the worlde. In regarde whereto this is stiled New England, beeing in the same latitude. New France, off it, is Northward: Southwardes is Virginia, and all the adioyning Continent, with New Granado, New Spain, New Andolosia and the West Indies. Now because I have beene so oft asked such strange questions, of the goodnesse and greatnesse of those spatious Tracts of land, how they can bee thus long unknown, or not possessed by the Spaniard, and many such like demands; I intreat your pardons, if I chance to be too plaine, or tedious in relating my knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction.

Florida is the next adioyning to the Indies, which unprosperously was attempted to bee planted by the French. Ribault Colony 1565A Country farre bigger then England, Scotland, France and Ireland, yet little knowne to any Christian, but by the wonderful endevours of Ferdinando de Soto a valiant Spaniard: whose writings in this age is the best guide knowne to search those parts.

Virginia is no Ile (as many doe imagine) but part of the Continent adioyning to Florida;[216] whose bounds may be stretched to the magnitude thereof without offence to any Christian inhabitant. For from the degrees of 30. to 45. his Maiestie hath granted his Letters patents, the Coast extending South-west and North-east aboute 1500 miles; but to follow it aboard, the shore may well be 2000. at the least: of which, 20. miles is the most gives entrance into the Bay of Chisapeak, where is the London plantation: within which is a Country (as you may perceive by the description in a Booke and Map printed in my name of that little I there discovered) may well suffice 300000 people to inhabit. And Southward adioyneth that part discovered at the charge of Sir Walter Rawley, by Sir Ralph Lane, and that learned Mathematician Mr. Thomas Heryot. Northward six or seaven degrees is the River Sadagahock, where was planted the Westerne Colony, by that Honourable Patrone of vertue Sir Iohn Poppham Lord chief Iustice of England. Ther is also a relation printed by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnould, of Elizabeths Iles: and an other by Captaine Waymoth, of Pemmaquid. From all these diligent observers, posterity may be bettered by the fruits of their labours. But for divers others that long before and since have ranged those parts, within a kenning sometimes of the shore, some touching in one place some in another, I must entreat them pardon me for[217] omitting them; or if I offend in saying that their true descriptions are concealed, or never well observed, or died with the Authors: so that the Coast is yet still but even as a Coast unknowne and undiscovered. I have had six or seaven severall plots of those Northren parts, so unlike each to other, and most so differing from any true proportion, or resemblance of the Countrey, as they did mee no more good, then so much waste paper, though they cost me more. It may be it was not my chance to see the best; but least others may be deceived as I was, or throgh dangerous ignorance hazard themselves as I did, I have drawen a Map from Point to Point, Ile to Ile, and Harbour to Harbour, with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Landmarks as I passed close aboard the Shore in a little Boat; although there be many things to bee observed which the haste of other affaires did cause me omit: for, being sent more to get present commodities, then knowledge by discoveries for any future good, I had not power to search as I would: yet it will serve to direct any shall goe that waies, to safe Harbours and the Salvages habitations: What marchandize and commodities for their labour they may finde, this following discourse shall plainely demonstrate.

Thus you may see, of this 2000. miles more than halfe is yet unknowne to any purpose: no[218] not so much as the borders of the Sea are yet certainly discovered. As for the goodnes and true substances of the Land, wee are for most part yet altogether ignorant of them, unlesse it be those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack and Sagadahock: but onely here and there wee touched or have seene a little the edges of those large dominions, which doe stretch themselves into the Maine, God doth know how many thousand miles; whereof we can yet no more iudge, then a stranger that saileth betwixt England and France can describe the Harbors and dangers by landing here or there in some River or Bay, tell thereby the goodnesse and substances of Spaine, Italy, Germany, Bohemia, Hungaria and the rest. By this you may perceive how much they erre, that think every one which hath been at Virginia understandeth or knowes what Virginia is: Or that the Spaniards know one halfe quarter of those Territories they possesse; no, not so much as the true circumference of Terra Incognita, whose large dominions may equalize the greatnesse and goodnes of America, for any thing yet known. It is strange with what small power hee hath raigned in the East Indies; and few will understand the truth of his strength in America: where he having so much to keepe with such a pampered force, they neede not greatly feare his furie, in the Bermudas, Virginia, New France, or New England; beyond[219] whose bounds America doth stretch many thousand miles: into the frozen partes whereof one Master Hutson an English Mariner did make the greatest discoverie of any Christian I knowe of, Hudson’s Baywhere he unfortunately died. For Affrica, had not the industrious Portugales ranged her unknowne parts, who would have sought for wealth among those fryed Regions of blacke brutish Negers, where notwithstanding all the wealth and admirable adventures and endeavours more than 140 yeares, they knowe not one third of those blacke habitations. But it is not a worke for every one, to manage such an affaire as makes a discoverie, and plants a Colony: It requires all the best parts of Art, Iudgement, Courage, Honesty, Constancy, Diligence and Industrie, to doe but neere well. Some are more proper for one thing then another; and therein are to be imployed: and nothing breedes more confusion than misplacing and mis-imploying men in their undertakings. Columbus, Cortez, Pitzara, Soto, Magellanes, and the rest served more than a prentiship to learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the West Indies; which to the wonder of all ages successfully they effected, when many hundreds of others farre above them in the worlds opinion, beeing instructed but by relation, came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other matters, were[220] both wise, discreet, generous, and couragious. I say not this to detract any thing from their incomparable merits, but to answer those questionlesse questions that keep us back from imitating the worthinesse of their brave spirits that advanced themselves from poore Souldiers to great Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, their King to be one of the greatest Potentates on earth, end the fruites of their labours, his greatest glory, power and renowne.

That part wee call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41. and 45: but that parte this discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant each from other: within which bounds I have seene at least 40. severall habitations upon the Sea Coast, and sounded about 25 excellent good Harbours; In many whereof there is ancorage for 500. sayle of ships of any burthen; in some of them for 5000: And more than 200 Iles overgrowne with good timber, of divers sorts of wood, which doe make so many harbours as requireth a longer time than I had, to be well discovered.

The principall habitation Northward we were at was Penobscot: Southward along the Coast and up the Rivers we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Kenebeck, Sagadahock, and Aumoughcawgen; And to those Countries belong the people of Segotago,[221] Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck, Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Pasharanack, &c. To these are allied the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquack, Aggawom and Naemkeck: all these, I could perceive, differ little in language, fashion, or government: though most be Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot, the chiefe and greatest amongst them.

The next I can remember by name are Mattahunts; two pleasant Iles of groves, gardens and corne fields a league in the Sea from the Mayne. Then Totant, Massachuset, Pocapawmet, Quonahassit, Sagoquas, Nahapassumkeck, Topeent, Seccasaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacak, Accomack, Chawum; Then Cape Cod by which is Pawmet and the Ile Nawset of the language, and alliance of them of Chawum: The others are called Massachusets; of another language, humor and condition: For their trade and marchandize; to each of their habitations they have diverse Townes and people belonging; and by their relations and descriptions, more than 20 severall Habitations and Rivers that stretch themselves farre up into the Countrey, even to the borders of diverse great Lakes, where they kill and take most of their Bevers and Otters. From Pennobscot to Sagadahock this Coast is all Mountainous and Iles of huge Rocks, but overgrowen[222] with all sorts of excellent good woodes for building houses, boats, barks or shippes; with an incredible abundance of most sorts of fish, much fowle, and sundry sorts of good fruites for mans use.

Betwixt Sagadahock and Sowocatuck there is but two or three sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape Cod very many: especially the Coast of the Massachusets is so indifferently mixed with high clayie or sandy cliffes in one place, and then tracts of large long ledges of divers sorts, and quarries of stones in other places so strangely divided with tinctured veines of divers colours: as, Free stone for building, Slate for tiling, smooth stone to make Fornaces and Forges for glasse or iron, and iron ore sufficient, conveniently to melt in them: but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Devonshire, I thinke most of the cliffes would make such limestone: If they be not of these qualities, they are so like, they may deceive a better iudgement then mine; all which are so neere adioyning to those other advantages I observed in these parts, that if the Ore prove as good iron and steele in those parts, as I know it is within the bounds of the Countrey, I dare engage my head (having but men skilfull to worke the simples there growing) to have all things belonging to the building the rigging of shippes of any proportion, and good marchandize for the fraught,[223] Freight within a square of 10 or 14 leagues: and were it for a good rewarde, I would not feare to prooue it in a lesse limitation.

And surely by reason of those sandy cliffes and cliffes of rocks, both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and well proportioned people, besides the greatnesse of the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of the fish and moderate temper of the ayre (for of twentie five, not any was sicke, but two that were many yeares diseased before they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidentall diet) who can but approoue this is a most excellent place, both for health and fertility? And of all the foure parts of the world that I have yet seene not inhabited, could I have but meanes to transport a Colonie, I would rather live here than any where: and if it did not maintaine it selfe, were wee but once indifferently well fitted, let us starve.

The maine Staple, from hence to bee extracted for the present to produce the rest, is fish; which however it may seeme a mean and a base commoditie: yet who will but truely take the pains and consider the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see what great adventures the hopes of setting forth men of war to rob the industrious innocent, would procure: or such massie promises[224] in grosse: though more are choked then well fedde with such hastie hopes. But who doth not know that the poore Hollanders, chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy, and industrious? and by the venting this poore commodity to the Easterlings for as meane, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rosin, Cordage, and such like (which they exchange againe, to the French, Spaniards, Portugales, and English, &c. for what they want) are made so mighty, strong and rich, as no State but Venice, of twice their magnitude, is so well furnished with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes, strong Fortresses, and that aboundance of shipping and all sorts of marchandize, as well of Golde, Silver, Pearles, Diamonds, Pretious Stones, Silkes, Velvets, and Cloth of golde; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such grosse commodities? What Voyages and Discoveries, East and West, North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army by Sea and Land, have they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest Princes of the world? And never could the Spaniard with all his Mynes of golde and Silver, pay his debts, his friends, and army, halfe so truly, as the Hollanders stil have done by this contemptible trade of fish. Divers (I know) may alledge, many other assistances: But this is their Myne; and the Sea the source of those[225] silvered streams of all their vertue; which hath made them now the very miracle of industrie, the pattern of perfection for these affaires: and the benefit of fishing is that Primum mobile that turns all their Spheres to this height of plentie, strength, honour and admiration.

Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicitie that makes their wealth and shippings multiplicities, such as it is, and from which (few would thinke it) they yearly draw at least one million and a halfe of pounds starling; yet it is most certaine (if records be true:) and in this faculty they are so naturalized, and of their vents so certainly acquainted, as there is no likelihood they will ever bee paralleld, having 2 or 3000 Busses, Flat bottomes, Sword pinks, Todes, and such like, that breedes them Saylers, Mariners, Souldiers and Marchants, never to be wrought out of that trade, and fit for any other. I will not deny but others may gaine as well as they, that will use it, though not so certainely, nor so much in quantity; for want of experience. And this Herring they take upon the Coast of Scotland and England; their Cod and Ling, upon the Coast of Izeland and in the North Seas.

Hamborough, and the East Countries, for Sturgion and Caviare, gets many thousands of pounds from England, and the Straites: Portugale, the Biskaines, and the Spaniards, make 40 or 50 Saile yearely to Cape-blank, to hooke[226] for Porgos, Mullet, and make Puttardo: and New found Land, doth yearely fraught neere 800 sayle of Ships with a sillie leane skinny Poore-Iohn, and Cor-fish, which at least yearely amounts to 3 or 400000 pound. If from all those parts such paines is taken for this poore gaines of fish, and by them hath neither meate, drinke, nor clothes, wood, iron, nor steele, pitch, tarre, nets, leades, salt, hookes, nor lines, for shipping, fishing, nor provision, but at the second, third, fourth, or fift hand, drawne from so many severall parts of the world ere they come together to be used in this voyage: If these I say can gaine, and the Saylers live going for shares, lesse then the third part of their labours, and yet spend as much time in going and comming as in staying there, so short is the season of fishing; why should wee more doubt, then Holland, Portugale, Spaniard, French, or other, but to doe much better then they, where there is victuall to feede us, wood of all sorts, to build Boats, Ships, or Barks; the fish at our doores, pitch, tarre, masts, yards, and most of other necessaries onely for making? And here are no hard Landlords to racke us with high rents, or extorted fines to consume us, no tedious pleas in law to consume us with their many years disputations for Iustice: no multitudes to occasion such impediments to good orders, as in popular States. So freely hath God and his[227] Maiesty bestowed those blessings on them that will attempt to obtaine them, as here every man may be master and owner of his owne labour and land; or the greatest part in a small time. If hee have nothing but his hands, he may set up this trade: and by industrie quickly grow rich; spending but halfe that time wel, which in England we abuse in idlenes, worse or as ill. Here is ground also as good as any lyeth in the height of forty one, forty two, forty three, &c. which is as temperate and as fruitfule as any other paralell in the world. As for example, on this side the line West of it in the South Sea, is Nova Albion, discovered as is said, by Sir Francis Drake. East from it, is the most temperate part of Portugale, the ancient kingdomes of Galazia, Biskey, Navarre, Arragon, Catalonia, Castilia the olde and the most moderatest of Castilia the new, and Valentia, which is the greatest part of Spain: which if the Spanish Histories bee true, in the Romanes time abounded no lesse with golde and silver Mines, then now the West Indies; The Romanes then using the Spaniards to work in those Mines, as now the Spaniard doth the Indians.

In France, the Provinces of Gasconie, Langadock, Avignon, Province, Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the same paralel: which are the best and richest parts of France. In Italy, the provinces of Genua, Lumbardy, and Verona,[228] with a great part of the most famous State of Venice, the Dukedoms of Bononia, Mantua, Ferrara, Ravenna, Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Urbine, Ancona, and the ancient Citie and Countrey of Rome, with a great part of the great Kingdome of Naples. In Slavonia, Istrya, and Dalmatia, with the Kingdomes of Albania. In Grecia, that famous Kingdome of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, where is seated the most pleasant and plentifull Citie in Europe, Constantinople. In Asia also, in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts of Natolia, Armenia, Persia, and China, besides divers other large Countries and Kingdomes in these most milde and temperate Regions of Asia. Southward, in the same height, is the richest of golde Mynes, Chily and Baldivia, and the mouth of the great River of Plate, &c: for all the rest of the world in that height is yet unknowne. Besides these reasons, mine owne eyes that have seene a great part of those Cities and their Kingdomes, as well as it, can finde no advantage they have in nature, but this. They are beautified by the long labor and diligence of industrious people and Art. This is onely as God made it, when he created the worlde. Therefore I conclude, if the heart and intralls of those Regions were sought: if their Land were cultured, planted and manured by men of industrie, iudgement, and experience;[229] what hope is there, or what neede they doubt, having those advantages of the Sea, but it might equalize any of those famous Kingdomes, in all commodities, pleasures, and conditions? seeing even the very edges doe naturally afford us such plenty, as no ship need returne away empty; and onely use but the season of the Sea, fish will returne an honest gaine, beside all other advantages; her treasures having yet never beene opened, nor her originalls wasted, consumed, nor abused.

And whereas it is said, the Hollanders serve the Easterlings themselves, and other parts that want with Herring, Ling, and wet Cod; the Easterlings, a great part of Europe, with Sturgion and Caviare; Cape-blanke, Spain, Portugale, and the Levant, with Mullet, and Puttargo; New found Land, all Europe, with a thin Poore Iohn; yet all is so overlade with fishers, as the fishing decayeth, and many are constrained to returne with a small fraught. Norway, and Polonia, Pitch, Tar, Masts, and Yardes; Sweathland, and Russia, Iron, and Ropes; France, and Spaine, Canvas, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oyle; Italy and Greece, Silks, and Fruites. I dare boldly say, because I have seen naturally growing, or breeding in those parts the same materialls that all those are made of, they may as well be had here, or the most part of them, within the distance of 70 leagues for some few[230] ages, as from all those parts; using but the same meanes to have them that they doe, and with all those advantages.

First, the ground is so fertill, that questionless it is capable of producing any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds you will sow or plant, growing in the Regions afore named: But it may be, not every kinde to that perfection of delicacy; or some tender plants may miscarie, because the Summer is not so hot, and the winter is more colde in those parts wee have yet tryed neere the Sea side, then we finde in the same height in Europe or Asia; MonheganYet I made a Garden upon the top of a Rockie Ile in 43½, 4 leagues from the Main, in May, that grew so well, as it served us for sallets in Iune and Iuly. All sorts of cattell may here be bred and fed in the Iles, or Peninsulaes, securely for nothing. In the Interim till they encrease if need be (observing the seasons) I durst undertake to have corne enough from the Salvages for 300 men, for a few trifles; and if they should bee untoward (as it is most certaine they are) thirty or forty good men will be sufficient to bring them all in subiection, and make this provision; if they understand what they doe: 200 whereof may nine monethes in the yeare be imployed in making marchandable fish, till the rest provide other necessaries, fit to furnish us with other commodities.

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In March, April, May, and halfe Iune, here is Cod in abundance; in May, Iune, Iuly, and August Mullet and Sturgion; whose roes doe make Caviare and Puttargo. Herring, if any desire them, I have taken many out of the bellies of Cod, some in nets; but the Salvages compare their store in the Sea, to the haires of their heads: and surely there are an incredible abundance upon this Coast. In the end of August, September, October, and November, you have Cod againe to make Cor-fish, or Poore Iohn: and each hundred is as good as two or three hundred in the New-found Land. So that halfe the labour in hooking, splitting, and turning, is saved: and you may have your fish at what Market you will, before they can have any in New-found Land: where their fishing is chiefly but in Iune and Iuly: whereas it is heere in March, April, May, September, October, and November, as is said. So that by reason of this plantation, the Marchants may have fraught both out and home: which yeelds an advantage worth consideration.

Your Cor-fish you may in like manner transport as you see cause, to serve the Ports in Portugale (as Lisbon, Avera, Porta port, and divers others, or what market you please) before your Ilanders returne: They being tyed to the season in the open sea; you having a double season, and fishing before your doors, may every night[232] sleep quietly a shore with good cheare and what fires you will, or when you please with your wives and familie: they onely, their ships in the maine Ocean.

The Mullets heere are in that abundance, you may take them with nets, sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape blank they hooke them; yet those but one foot and a halfe in length; these two, three, or foure, as oft I have measured: much Salmon some have found up the Rivers, as they have passed: and heer the ayre is so temperate, as all these at any time may well be preserved.

Now, young boyes and girles Salvages, or any other, be they never such idlers, may turne, carry, and return fish, without either shame or any great paine: hee is very idle that is past twelve yeares of age and cannot doe so much: and she is very olde, that cannot spin a thred to make engines to catch them.

For their transportation, the ships that go there to fish may transport the first: who for their passage will spare the charge of double manning their ships, which they must doe in the New-found Land, to get their fraught; but one third part of that companie are onely but proper to serve a stage, carry a barrow, and turne Poor Iohn: notwithstanding, they must have meate, drinke, clothes, and pattage, as well as the rest. Now all I desire, is but this; That those[233] that voluntarily will send shipping, should make here the best choice they can, or accept such as are presented them, to serve them at that rate: and their ships returning leave such with me, with the value of that they should receive comming home, in such provisions and necessarie tooles, armes, bedding and apparell, salt, hookes, nets, lines, and such like as they spare of the remainings; who till the next returne may keepe their boates and doe them many other profitable offices: provided I have men of ability to teach them their functions, and a company fit for Souldiers to be Ready upon an occasion; because of the abuses which have beene offered the poore Salvages, and the liberty both French or any that will, hath to deale with them as they please: whose disorders will be hard to reforme; and the longer the worse. Now such order with facilitie might be taken, with every port Towne or Citie, to observe but this order, With free power to convert the benefits of their fraughts to what advantage they please, and increase their numbers as they see occasion; who ever as they are able to subsist of themselves, may beginne the new Townes in New England in memory of their olde: which freedome being confined but to the necessity of the generall good, the event (with Gods helpe) might produce an honest, a noble, and a profitable emulation.

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Salt upon salt may assuredly be made; if not at the first in ponds, yet till they bee provided this may be used: then the Ships may transport Kine, Horse, Goates, course Cloath, and such commodities as we want; by whose arrivall may be made that provision of fish to fraught the Ships that they stay not: and then if the sailers goe for wages, it matters not. It is hard if this returne defray not the charge: but care must be had, they arrive in the Spring, or else provision be made for them against the Winter.

Of certaine red berries called Alkermes which is worth ten shillings a pound, but of these hath been sould for thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yearely be gathered a good quantitie.

Of the Musk Rat may bee well raised gaines, well worth their labour, that will endevor to make tryall of their goodnesse.

Of Bevers, Otters, Martins, Blacke Foxes, and Furres of price, may yearely be had 6 or 7000: and if the trade of the French were prevented, many more: 25000 this yeare were brought from those Northren parts into France; of which trade we may have as good part as the French, if we take good courses.

Of Mynes of Golde and Silver, Copper, and probabilities of Lead, Christall and Allum, I could say much if relations were good assurances. It is true indeed, I made many trials[235] according to those instructions I had, which doe perswade mee I need not despaire, but there are metalls in the Countrey: but I am no Alchymist, nor will promise more then I know: which is, Who will undertake the rectifying of an Iron forge, if those that buy meate, drinke, coals, ore, and all necessaries at a deer rate gaine; where all these things are to be had for the taking up, in my opinion cannot lose.

Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those that build ships and boates, buy wood at so great a price, as it is in England, Spaine, France, Italy, and Holland, and all other provisions for the nourishing of mans life; live well by their trade: when labour is all required to take those necessaries without any other tax; what hazard will be here, but doe much better? And what commoditie in Europe doth more decay then wood? For the goodnesse of the ground, let us take it fertill, or barren, or as it is: seeing it is certaine it beares fruites, to nourish and feed man and beast, as well as England, and the Sea those severall sorts of fish I have related. Thus seeing all good provisions for mans sustenance, may with this facility be had, by a little extraordinarie labour, till that transported be increased; and all necessaries for shipping, onely for labour: to which may bee added the assistance of the Salvages, which may easily be had, if they[236] be discreetly handled in their kindes, towards fishing, planting and destroying woods. What gaines might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses, dwelling there, you may serve all Europe better and farre cheaper, then can the Izeland fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape blank, or New found Land: who must be at as much more charge than you) may easily be coniectured by this example.

2000. pound will fit out a ship of 200. and 1 of a 100 tuns: If the dry fish they both make, fraught that of 200. and goe for Spaine, sell it but at ten shillings a quintall; but commonly it giveth fifteen, or twentie: especially when it commeth first, which amounts to 3 or 4000 pound: but say but tenne, which is the lowest, allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate, to 2000 pound, which is the whole charge of your two ships, and their equipage: Then the returne of the money, and the fraught of the ship for the vintage, or any other voyage, is cleere gaine, with your shippe of a 100 tuns of Train and oyle, besides the bevers, and other commodities; and that you may have at home within six monethes, if God please but to send an ordinarie passage. Then saving halfe this charge by the not staying of your ships, your victual, overplus of men and wages; with her fraught thither of things necessarie for the[237] planters, the salt being there made: as also may the nets and lines, within a short time: if nothing were to bee expected but this, it might in time equalize your Hollanders gaines, if not exceed them: they returning but wood, pitch, tarre, and such grosse commodities; you wines, oyles, fruits, silkes, and such Straits commodities, as you please to provide by your Factors, against such times as your shippes arrive with them. This would so increase our shipping and sailers, and so employ and encourage a great part of our idlers and others that want imployments fitting their qualities at home, where they shame to doe that they would doe abroad; that could they but once taste the sweet fruites of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands would be advised by good discipline, to take more pleasure in honest Industrie, then in their humours of dissolute idlenesse.

But, to returne a little more to the particulars of this Countrey, which I intermingle thus with my proiects and reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Ayre, the Land, the Fruites, the Rocks, the People, the Government, Religion, Territories, and Limitations, Friends, and Foes: but, as I gathered from the niggardly relations in a broken language to my understanding, during the time I ranged those countries &c. The most Northren part I was[238] at, was the Bay of Pennobscot, Penobscotwhich is East and West, North and South, more then ten leagues: but such were my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the River ranne farre up into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people, but they were from their habitations, either fishing among the Iles, or hunting the Lakes and Woods, for Deer and Bevers. The Bay is full of great Ilands, of one, two, six, eight, or ten miles in length, which divides it into many faire and excellent good harbours. On the East of it, are the Tarrantines, their mortall enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report that live with those people, as one nation or family. And Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high mountaine, a kinde of fortresse against the Tarrantines, adioyning to the high mountaines of Pennobscot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea: But over all the Land, Iles, or other impediments, you may well see them sixteene or eighteene leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next; then Nusconcus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Up this river where was the westerne plantation are Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck, and divers others, where there is planted some corne fields. Along this River 40 or 50 miles, I saw nothing but great high cliffes of barren Rocks, overgrowne with wood: but where the Salvages[239] dwelt there the ground is exceeding fat and fertill. Westward of this River, is the Countrey of Aucocisco, in the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of many great Iles, which divides it into many good harbours. Sowocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large sandy Bay, which hath many Rocks and Iles, but few good harbours, but for Barks, I yet know. But all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as farre I could see Eastward of it is nothing but such high craggy Cliffy Rocks and stony Iles, that I wondered such great trees could growe upon so hard foundations. It is a Countrie rather to affright, then delight one. And how to describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation or more barren I knowe not. Yet the Sea there is the strangest fish-pond I ever saw; and those barren Iles so furnished with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and fowle, that it makes mee thinke though the Coast be rockie, and thus affrightable; the Vallies, Plaines, and interior parts, may well (notwithstanding) be verie fertile. But there is no kingdom so fertile hath not some part barren: and New England is great enough, to make many Kingdomes and Countries, were it all inhabited. As you passe the Coast still Westward, Accominticus and Passataquack are two convenient harbors for small barks; and a good Countrie, within their craggie cliffs. Angoam is the next; This place might content a[240] right curious iudgement: but there are many sands at the entrance of the harbor: and the worst is, it is inbayed too farre from the deepe Sea. Heere are many rising hilles, and on their tops and descents many corne fields, and delightfull groves. On the East, is an Ile of two or three leagues in length; the one halfe, plaine morish grasse fit for pasture, with many faire high groves of mulberrie trees gardens: and there is also Okes, Pines, and other woods to make this place an excellent habitation, beeing a good and safe harbor.

Naimkeck though it be more rockie ground (for Angoam is sandie) not much inferior; neither for the harbor, nor any thing I could perceive, but the multitude of people. From hence doth stretch into the Sea the faire headland Tragabigzanda, fronted with three Iles called the three Turks heads: to the North of this, doth enter a great Bay, where wee founde some habitations and corne fields: they report a great River, and at least thirtie habitations, doo possesse this Countrie. But because the French had got their trade, I had no leasure to discover it. The Iles of Mattahunts are on the West side of this Bay, where are many Iles, and questionlesse good harbors: and then the Countrie of the Massachusets, which is the Paradise of all those parts: for, heere are many Iles all planted with corne; groves, mulberries, salvage[241] gardens, and good harbors: the Coast is for the most part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you passe, shewes you all along large corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people: but the French having remained heere neere sixe weekes, left nothing for us to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations, viz. if there be neer three thousand people upon these Iles; and that the River doth pearce many daies iourneis the intralles of that Countrey. We found the people in those parts verie kinde; but in their furie no lesse valiant. For, upon a quarrell wee had with one of them, hee onely with three others crossed the harbor of Quonahassit to certaine rocks whereby wee must passe; and there let flie their arrowes for our shot, till we were out of danger.

Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good harbor, good land; and no want of any thing, but industrious people. After much kindnesse, upon a small occasion, wee fought also with fortie or fiftie of those: though some were hurt, and some slaine; yet within an houre after they became friendes. Cape Cod is the next presents it selfe: which is onely a headland of high hils of sand, Cape Codovergrowne with shrubbie pines, hurts, and such trash; but an excellent harbor for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in forme of a sickle: on it doth[242] inhabit the people of Pawmet: and in the bottome of the Bay, the people of Chawum. Towards the South and South west of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks. But so farre as I incircled it, I found thirtie fadom water aboard the shore and a strong current: which makes mee think there is a Channell about this shoale; where is the best and greatest fish to be had, Winter and Summer, in all that Countrie. But, the Salvages say there is no Channell, but that the shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet, to the Ile of Nausit; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea. The next to this is Capawack, and those abounding Countries of copper, corne, people, and mineralls; which I went to discover this last yeare: but because I miscarried by the way, I will leave them, till God please I have better acquaintance with them.

The Massachusets, they report, sometimes have warres with the Bashabes of Pennobscot; and are not alwaies friends with them of Chawum and their alliants: but now they are all friends, and have each trade with other, so farre as they have societie, on each others frontiers. For they make no such voiages as from Pennobscot to Cape Cod; seldom to Massachewset. In the North (as I have said) they begunne to plant corne, whereof the South part hath[243] such plentie, as they have what they will from them of the North; and in the Winter much more plenty of fish and foule: but both Winter and Summer hath it in the one part or other all the yeare; being the meane and most indifferent temper, betwixt heat and colde, of all the regions betwixt the Lyne and the Pole: but the furs Northward are much better, and in much more plentie, then Southward.

The remarkablest Iles and mountains for Landmarkes are these; The highest Ile or Sorico, in the Bay of Pennobscot: but the three Iles and a rock of Matinnack are much furder in the Sea; Metinicus is also three plaine Iles and a rock, betwixt it and Monahigan: Monahigan is a rounde high Ile; and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride. In Damerils Iles is such another: Sagadahock is knowne by Satquin, and foure or five Iles in the mouth. Smyths Iles are a heape together, none neere them, against Accominticus. The three Turks heads are three Iles seen far to Sea-ward in regard of the head-land.

The cheefe headlands are onely Cape Tragabigzanda and Cape Cod.

The cheefe mountaines, them of Pennobscot: the twinkling mountaine of Aucocisco; the greate mountaine of Sasanou; and the high mountaine of Massachusit: each of which you shall finde in the Mappe; their places, formes,[244] and altitude. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the intrals of rockie mountaines; the hearbes and fruits are of many sorts and kindes: as alkermes, currans, or a fruit like currans, mulberries, vines, respices, goosberries, plummes, walnuts, chesnuts, small nuts, &c. pumpions, gourds, strawberries, beans, pease, and mayze: a kinde or two of flax, wherewith they make nets, lines and ropes both small and great, verie strong for their quantities.

Oke, is the chiefe wood; of which there is great difference in regard of the soyle where it groweth, firre, pyne, walnut, chestnut, birch, ash, elme, cypresse, ceder, mulberrie, plum-tree, hazell, saxefrage, and many other sorts.

Eagles, Gripes, diverse sorts of Haukes, Cranes, Geese, Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes, Guls, Turkies, Dive-doppers, and many other sorts, whose names I knowe not.

Whales, Grampus, Porkpisces, Turbot, Sturgion, Cod, Hake, Haddock, Cole, Cusk, or small Ling, Shark, Mackerrell, Herring, Mullet, Base, Pinacks, Cunners, Pearch, Eels, Crabs, Lobsters, Muskles, Wilkes, Oysters, and diverse others &c.

Moos, a beast bigger than a Stagge; Deere, red, and Fallow; Bevers, Wolves, Foxes, both blacke and other; Aroughconds, Wild-cats, Beares, Otters, Martins, Fitches, Musquassus,[245] and diverse sorts of vermine, whose names I know not. All these and divers other good things do heere, for want of use, still increase, and decrease with little diminution, whereby they growe to that abundance. You shall scarce finde any Baye, shallow shore or Cove of sand, where you may not take many Clampes, or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in many places lode your boat if you please; Nor Iles where you finde not fruits, birds, crabs, and muskles, or all of them, for taking, at a lowe water. And in the harbors we frequented, a little boye might take of Cunners, and Pinacks, and such delicate fish, at the ships sterne, more than sixe or tenne can eate in a daie; but with a casting net, thousands when wee pleased: and scarce any place, but Cod, Cuske, Holybut, Mackerell, Scate, or such like, a man may take with a hooke or line what he will. And, in diverse sandy Baies, a man may draw with a net great store of Mullets, Bases, and diverse other sorts of such excellent fish, as many as his Net can drawe on shore: no River where there is not plentie of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both; all which are to be had in abundance observing but their seasons. But if a man will goe at Christmasse to gather Cherries in Kent, he may be deceived; though there be plentie in Summer: so, heere these plenties have each their seasons, as I have expressed. We for the most part[246] had little but bread and vinegar: and though the most part of Iuly when the fishing decaied they wrought all day, laie abroade in the Iles all night, and lived on what they found, yet were not sicke: But I would wish none put himself long to such plunges; except necessitie constraine it: yet worthy is that person to starve that heere cannot live; if he have sense, strength and health: for there is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but that a hundred men may, in one houre or two, make their provisions for a day: and hee that hath experience to manage well these affaires, with fortie or thirtie honest industrious men, might well undertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subiect the Salvages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good corne, fish and flesh, as the earth hath of those kindes, and yet make that labor but their pleasure: provided that they have engins, that be proper for their purposes.

Who can desire more content, that hath small meanes; or but only his merit to advance his fortune, then to tread, and plant that ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he have but the taste of virtue, and magnanimitie, what to such a minde can bee more pleasant, then planting and building a foundation for his Posteritie, gotte from the rude earth, by Gods blessing and his owne industrie, without prejudice to any? If hee have any graine[247] of faith or zeale in Religion, what can hee doe lesse hurtfull to any; or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to convert those poore Salvages to know Christ, and humanitie, whose labors with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paines? What so truely sutes with honour and honestie, as the discovering things unknowne? erecting Townes, peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teaching virtue; and gaine to our Native mother-countrie a kingdom to attend her; finde imployment for those that are idle, because they know not what to doe: so farre from wronging any, as to cause Posteritie to remember thee; and remembering thee, ever honour that remembrance with praise?

[248]
[249]

## Thomas Dermer
1619
MAINE AND CAPE COD

[250]

Thomas Dermer made his first voyage to New England in 1615. The following year he sailed to Newfoundland, where he may have remained until late in 1618. In 1619 he visited New England again, going from there to Virginia. He wrote an account of this voyage for Samuel Purchas, who printed it in the fourth volume of “Purchas his Pilgrimes,” published at London in 1625.

Dermer’s account of another voyage northward from Virginia, in the course of which he found divers ships from Amsterdam and Horne trading with the natives on the Delaware and Hudson rivers, was presented to the Virginia Company in London, on July 10, 1621.

[251]

To his Worshipfull Friend M. Samvel Pvrchas, Preacher of the Word, at the Church a little within Ludgate, London.

Sir,

IT was the nineteenth of May, 1619 Maybefore I was fitted for my discouery, when from Monahiggan I set sayle in an open Pinnace of fiue tun, for the Iland I told you of. MonheganI passed alongst the Coast where I found some antient Plantations, not long since populous now vtterly void; in other places a remnant remaines, but not free of sicknesse. Their disease the Plague, for wee might perceiue the sores of some that had escaped, who described the spots of such as vsually die. When I arriued at my Sauages natiue Country (finding all dead) I trauelled alongst a daies iourney Westward, to a place called Nummastaquyt, where finding Inhabitants, I dispatched a Messenger a dayes iourney further West, to Poconaokit which bordereth on the Sea; whence came to see me two Kings, attended with a[252] guard of fiftie armed men, who being well satisfied with that my Sauage and I discoursed vnto them (being desirous of noueltie) gaue mee content in whasoeuer I demanded, where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Mastachusit, who three yeeres since escaped shipwracke at the North-east of Cape Cod. I must (amongst many things worthy obseruation) for want of leisure, therefore hence I passe (not mentioning any place where we touched in the way) to the Iland, which wee discouered the twelfth of Iune. JuneHere we had good quarter with the Sauages, who likewise confirmed former reports. I found seuen seuerall places digged, sent home of the earth, with samples of other commodities elsewhere found, sounded the Coast, and the time being farre spent bare vp for Monahiggan, arriuing the three and [twen]tieth of Iune, where wee found our Ship ready to depart. To this Ile are two other neere adioyning, all which I called by the name of King Iames his Iles, because from thence I had the first motiues to search. For that (now probable passage) which may hereafter be both honourable and profitable to his Maiestie. When I had dispatched with the ships ready to depart, I thus concluded for the accomplishing my businesse. In regard of the fewnesse of my men, not being able to leaue behind mee a competent[253] number for defence, and yet sufficiently furnish my selfe, I put most of my prouisions aboord the Sampson of Cape Ward ready bound for Virginia, from whence hee came, taking no more into the Pinnace then I thought might serue our turnes, determining with Gods helpe to search the Coast along, and at Virginia to supply our selues for a second discouery, if the first failed. But as the best actions are commonly hardest in effecting and are seldome without their crosses, so in this we had our share, and met with many difficulties: for wee had not sayled aboue forty leagues, but wee were taken with a Southerly storme, which draue vs to this strait; eyther we must weather a rockie point of Land, or run into a broad Bay no lesse dangerous; Incidit in Syllam, &c. the Rockes wee could not weather, though wee loosed till we receiued much water, but at last were forced to beare vp for the Bay, and run on ground a furlong off the shoare, where we had beene beaten to pieces, had wee not instantly throwne ouerboord our prouisions to haue our liues; by which meanes we escaped and brought off our Pinnace the next high water without hurt, hauing our Planke broken, and a small leake or two which we easily mended. Being left in this misery, hauing lost much bread, all our Beefe and Sider, some Meale and Apparell, with other prouisions and necessaries; having now little left[254] besides hope to encourage vs to persist: Yet after a little deliberation we resolued to proceed and departed with the next faire winde. We had not now that faire quarter amongst the Sauages as before, which I take it was by reason of our Sauages absence, who desired (in regard of our long iourney) to stay with some of our Sauage friends at Sawahquatooke, for now almost euery where, where they were of any strength they sought to betray vs. At Manamock Monomoy(the Southerne part of Cape Cod, now called Sutcliffe Inlets) I was vnawares taken prisoner, when they sought to kill my men, which I left to man the Pinnace; but missing of their purpose, they demanded a ransome, which had, I was as farre from libertie as before; yet it pleased God at last, after a strange manner to deliuer me, with three of them into my hands, and a little after the chiefe Sacheum himselfe; who seeing me weigh anchor, would haue leaped ouerboord, but intercepted, craued pardon, and sent for the Hatchets giuen for ransome, excusing himselfe by laying the fault on his neighbours; and to be friends sent for a Canoas lading of Corne, which receiued we set him free. I am loth to omit the story, wherein you would finde cause to admire the great mercy of God euen in our greatest misery, in giuing vs both freedome and reliefe at one time. Departing hence, the next place we arriued at was Capaock, an Iland formerly[255] discouered by the English, where I met with Epinew a Sauage that had liued in England, and speakes indifferent good English, who foure yeeres since being carried home, was reported to haue beene slaine, with diuers of his Countreymen, by Saylors, which was false. With him I had much conference, who gaue mee very good satisfaction in euery thing almost I could demand. Time not permitting mee to search here, which I should haue done for sundry things of speciall moment: the wind faire, I stood away shaping my course as the Coast led mee, till I came to the most Westerly part where the Coast began to fall away Southerly. In my way I discouered Land about thirtie leagues in length, Martha’s Vineyardheretofore taken for Mayne, where I feared I had beene imbayed, but by the helpe of an Indian I got to the Sea againe, through many crooked and streight passages. I let passe many accidents in this iourney occasioned by treacherie, where wee were compelled twice to goe together by the eares, once the Sauages had great advantage of vs in a streight, not aboue a Bowe shot, and where a multitude of Indians let flye at vs from the banke, but it pleased God to make vs victours: neere vnto this wee found a most dangerous Catwract amongst small rockie Ilands, occasioned by two vnequall tydes, the one ebbing and flowing two houres before the other: here wee lost an Anchor by the strength[256] of the current, but found it deepe enough: from hence were wee carried in a short space by the tydes swiftnesse into a great Bay (to vs so appearing) but indeede is broken land, which gaue vs light of the Sea: here, as I said, the Land treadeth Southerly. In this place I talked with many Saluages, who told me of two sundry passages to the great Sea on the West, Long Island Soundoffered me Pilots, and one of them drew mee a Plot with Chalke vpon a Chest, whereby I found it a great Iland, parted the two Seas; they report the one scarce passable for shoalds, perillous currents, the other no question to be made of. Hauing receiued these directions, I hastened to the place of greatest hope, where I purposed to make triall of Gods goodnesse towards vs, and vse my best endeuour to bring the truth to light, but wee were but onely shewed the entrance, where in seeking to passe wee were forced backe with contrary and ouerblowing windes, hardly escaping both our liues. Being thus ouercharged with weather, I stood alongst the coast to seeke harbours, to attend a fauourable gale to recouer the streight, but being a harbourlesse Coast for ought we could then perceiue, wee found no succour till wee arriued betwixt Cape Charles and the Maine on the East side the Bay Chestapeake, Chesapeake Bay where in a wilde Roade wee anchored; and the next day (the eight of September) crossed the Bay to Kecoughtan, where the first newes strooke[257] cold to our hearts, the general sicknesse ouer the Land. Here I resolued with all possible speede to returne in pursuite of this businesse, so that after a little refreshing, wee recouered vp the Riuer to Iames Citie, and from thence to Cape Warde his Plantacon, where immediately wee fell to hewing of Boords for a close Decke, hauing found it a most desired course to attempt as before. As wee were thus labouring to effect our purposes, it pleased almighty God (who onely disposeth of the times and seasons, wherein all workes shall be accomplished) to visite vs with his heauie hand, so that at one time there were but two of vs able to helpe the rest, my selfe so sore shaken with a burning feauer, that I was brought euen vnto deaths doore, but at length by Gods assistance escaped, and haue now with the rest almost recouered my former strength. The Winter hauing ouertaken vs (a time on these Coasts especially) subiect to gusts and fearefull storms, I haue now resolued to choose a more temperate season, both for the generall good and our owne safeties. And thus I haue sent you a broken discourse, though indeede very vnwilling to haue giuen any notice at all, till it had pleased God to haue blessed mee with a thorow search, that our eyes might haue witnessed the truth. I haue drawne a Plot of the Coast, which I dare not yet part with for feare of danger, let this therefore serue for[258] confirmation of your hopes, till I can better performe my promise and your desire; for what I haue spoken I can produce at least mille testes; farre separate, of the Sea behinde them, and of Ships, which come many dayes iourney from the West, and of the great extent of this Sea to the North and South, not knowing any bounds thereof Westward. I cease to trouble you till a better opportunity offer it selfe, remembring my best loue, &c. I rest

Yours to command,
Tho. Dermer.

From Captaine Martyn his Plantation.
27 Decemb. 1619.

[259]

## Christopher Levett
1624
YORK AND PORTLAND

[260]

Christopher Levett, who was born in York, England, in 1586, landed on the Isles of Shoals in the autumn of 1623. Finding that this was no place for a permanent settlement, he crossed to the mouth of the Piscataqua River, where Robert Gorges, who had recently been appointed governor of the territory granted to the Council for New England, was making his colonial headquarters. Levett had been given the right to settle and hold six thousand acres wherever he might choose to locate within this territory. He selected an island at the mouth of Portland harbour. There he left ten men to maintain his possession while he went back to England for recruits and supplies. To assist in securing these, he wrote an account of the country and of his adventures therein, which he doubtless intended to print as soon as he returned home. A variety of causes hindered the carrying out of his plans, and the book was not published until 1628. The chapters now reprinted are those which contain the account of his experiences in New England. These chapters, as well as the extracts from Purchas and other works not otherwise credited, are taken from the copies of the original editions in the John Carter Brown Library at Providence, Rhode Island.

[261]

My Discouery of diverse Riuers and Harbours, with their names, and which are fit for Plantations, and which not.

THE first place I set my foote vpon in New England, 1623was the Isles of Shoulds, being Ilands in the Sea, about two Leagues from the Mayne.

Vpon these Ilands, I neither could see one good timber tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden.

The place is found to be a good fishing place for 6 Shippes, but more cannot well be there for want of convenient stage-roome, as this yeare’s experience hath proved.

The Harbor is but indifferent good. Vpon these Ilands are no Savages at all.

The next place I came vnto was Pannaway, Piscataqua River where one M. Tomson hath made a Plantation, there I stayed about one Moneth in which time I sent for my men from the East: who came over in diverse Shipps.

At this place I met with the Governour, who[262] came thither in a Barke which he had from one M. Weston about 20 dayes before I arived in the Land.

The Governour then told me that I was joyned with him in Commission as a Counsellor, which being read I found it was so. And he then, in the presence of three more of the Counsell, administered unto me an oath.

After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in two boats with all my company.

In the time I stayd with M. Tomson, I surveyed as much as possible I could, the wether being vnseasonable, and very much snow.

In those parts I saw much good Timber. But the ground it seemed to me not to be good, being very rockey and full of trees and brush-wood.

There is great store of fowle of diverse sorts, wherof I fed very plentifully.

About two English miles further to the East, I found a great River and a good harbour called Pascattaway. But for the ground I can say nothing, but by the relation of the Sagamore or King of that place, who told me there was much good ground up in the river about seven or eight leagues.

About two leagues further to the East, is another great river called Aquamenticus. York RiverThere I think a good plantation may be settled, for there is a good harbour for ships, good ground, and[263] much already cleared, fit for planting of corne and other fruits, having heretofore ben planted by the Salvages who are all dead. There is good timber, and likely to be good fishing, but as yet there hath beene no tryall made that I can heare of.

About 6 leagues further to the East is a harbour called Cape Porpas, the which is indifferent good for 6 shippes, and it is generally thought to be an excellent place for fish, but as yet there hath been no tryall made, but there may be a good plantation seated, for there is good Timber and good ground, but will require some labour and charge.

About foure leagues further East, there is another harbour called Sawco (betweene this place and Cape Porpas I lost one of my men) before we could recover the harbour a great fog or mist tooke us that we could not see a hundred yards from us. I perceiving the fog to come upon the Sea, called for a Compasse and set the Cape land, by which wee knew how to steare our course, which was no sooner done but wee lost sight of land, and my other boate, and the winde blew fresh against us, so that we were enforced to strike saile and betake us to our Oares which wee used with all the wit and strength we had, but by no meanes could we recover the shore that night, being imbayed and compassed round with breaches, which roared in a most[264] fearfull manner on every side us; wee took counsell in this extremity one of another what to doe to save our lives, at length we resolved that to put to sea againe in the night was no fit course, the storme being great, and the winde blowing right of the shore, and to runne our boate on the shore amongst the breaches, (which roared in a most fearefull manner) and cast her away and indanger ourselves we were loath to do, seeing no land nor knowing where we were. At length I caused our Killick (which was all the Anker we had) to be cast forth, and one continually to hold his hand upon the roode or cable, by which we knew whether our ancker held or no: which being done wee commended our selues to God by prayer, & put on a resolution to be as comfortable as we could, and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent that night, and the next morning, with much adoe we got into Sawco, where I found my other boate.

There I stayed fiue nights, the winde beinge contrary, and the weather very unseasonable, hauing much raine and snow, and continuall foggse.

We built us our Wigwam, or house, in one houres space, it had no frame, but was without forme or fashion, onely a few poles set up together, and couered with our boates sailes which kept forth but a little winde, and lesse raigne and snow.

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Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which was spirituall, was this we had foule enough for killing, wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough for drinking.

But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding our wet cloaths. Wee had plenty of Craine, Goose, Duckes and Mallard, with other fowle, both boyled and rosted, but our spits and racks were many times in danger of burning before the meate was ready (being but wooden ones.)

After I had stayed there three daies, and no likelyhood of a good winde to carrie vs further, I tooke with me six of my men, and our Armes, and walked along the shore, to discouer as much by land as I could: after I had travelled about two English miles I met with a riuer which stayed me that I could goe no further by land that day, but returned to our place of habitation where we rested that night (hauing our lodging amended) for the day being dry I caused all my company to accompany mee to a marsh ground, where wee gathered euery man his burthen of long dry grasse, which being spread in our Wigwam or House, I praise God I rested as contentedly as euer I did in all my life. And then came into my minde an old merry saying, which I haue heard of a beggar boy, who said if euer he should attaine to be a King, he would haue a breast of mutton with a pudding in it,[266] and lodge euery night vp to the eares in drye straw; and thus I made myselfe and my company as merry as I could, with this and some other conceits, making this vse of all, that it was much better then wee deserued at Gods hands, if he should deale with vs according to our sinnes.

The next morning I caused 4 of my men to rowe my lesser boate to this riuer, who with much adoe got in myselfe, and 3 more going by land: but by reason of the extremitie of the wether we were enforced to stay there that night, and were constrained to sleepe vpon the riuer banke, being the best place wee could finde, the snowe being very deepe.

The next morning wee were enforced to rise betime, for the tyde came vp so high that it washed away our fire, and would haue serued vs so too if we had not kept watch: So wee went over the riuer in our boate, where I caused some to stay with her, myselfe being desirous to discouer further by land, I tooke with me foure men and walked along the shore about sixe English miles further to the East, where I found another riuer, which staied mee. So we returned backe to Sawco, where the rest of my company and my other boate lay. That night I was exceeding sicke, by reason of the wet and cold and much toyling of my body: but thankes be to God I was indifferent well the[267] next morning, and the winde being faire we put to sea, and that day came to Quack.

But before I speak of this place I must say something of Sawco, Sacoand the too riuers which I discouered in that bay, which I thinke neuer Englishman saw before.

Sawco is about one league to the North-east of a cape land. And about one English mile from the maine lieth sixe Ilands, which make an indifferent good harbour. And in the maine there is a Coue or gutt, which is about a cables length in bredth, and too cables length long, there two good Ships may ride, being well mored a head and starne; and within the Coue there is a great Marsh, where at a high water a hundredth sayle of Ships may floate, and be free from all winds, but at low water must ly a ground, but being soft oase they can take no hurte.

In this place there is a world of fowle, much good timber, and a great quantetie of cleare ground and good, if it be not a little too sandy. There hath beene more fish taken within too leagues of this place this yeare then in any other in the land.

The riuer next to Sawco eastwards, which I discovered by land, and after brought my boat into, is the strangest river that ever my eyes beheld. It flowes at the least ten foot water upright, and yet the ebbe runs so strong that the[268] tyde doth not stem it. At three quarters floud my men were scarce able with foure Oares to rowe ahead. And more then that, at full Sea I dipped my hand in the water, quite without the mouth of the River, in the very main Ocean, and it was as fresh as though it had been taken from the head of a Spring.

This River, as I am told by the Salvages, commeth from a great mountaine called the Christall hill, being as they say 100 miles in the Country, yet is it to be seene at the sea side, and there is no ship ariues in New England, either to the West so farre as Cape Cod, or to the East so farre as Monhiggen, but they see this Mountaine the first land, if the weather be cleere.

The next river Eastward which I discovered by land, is about sixe miles from the other. About these two riuers I saw much good timber and sandy ground, there is also much fowle, fish and other commodities: but these places are not fit for plantation for the present, because there is no good comming in, either for ship, or boate, by reason of a sandy breach which lyeth alongst the shore, and makes all one breach.

And now in its place I come to Quack, which I haue named Yorke. At this place there fished divers ships of Waymouth this yeare.

It lyeth about two leagues to the East of[269] Cape Elizabeth. It is a Bay or Sound Portland Harbourbetwixt the Maine and certaine Ilands which lyeth in the sea about one English mile and halfe.

There are foure Ilands which makes one good harbour, there is very good fishing, much fowle and the mayne as good ground as any can desire. There I found one River wherein the Savages say there is much Salmon and other good fish. In this Bay, there hath ben taken this yeare 4. Sturgions, by fishermen who driue only for Herrings, so that it is likely there may be good store taken if there were men fit for that purpose. This River I made bold to call by my owne name Levetts river, Fore Riverbeing the first that discovered it. How farre this river is Navigable I cannot tell, I haue ben but 6. miles up it, but on both sides is goodly ground.

In the same Bay I found another River, Presumpscot Riverup which I went about three miles, and found a great fall, of water much bigger than the fall at London bridge, at low water; further a boate cannot goe, but above the fall the River runnes smooth againe.

Iust at this fall of water the Sagamore or King of that place hath a house, where I was one day when there were two Sagamors more, their wiues and children, in all about 50. and we were but 7. They bid me welcome and gaue me such victualls as they had, and I gaue them Tobacco and Aqua vitæ.

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After I had spent a little time with them I departed & gaue them a small shot, and they gaue me another. And the great Sagamore of the East country, whom the rest doe acknowledge to be chiefe amongst them, hee gaue unto me a Bevers skin, which I thankfully received, and so in great loue we parted. On both sides this river there is goodly ground.

From this harbour to Sagadahock, which is about 8. or 9. leagues, is all broken Ilands in the Sea, which makes many excellent good Harbours, where a thousand saile of Shipps may ride in safety; the sound going up within the Ilands to the Cape of Sagadahock.

In the way betwixt Yorke and Sagadahock lyeth Cascoe, Casco Baya good harbour, good fishing, good ground, and much fowle. And I am perswaded that from Cape Elizabeth to Sagadahock, which is aboue 30 leagues to follow the Maine, is all exceeding commodious for Plantations: and that there may be 20 good Townes well seated, to take the benefit both of the sea, and fresh Rivers.

For Sagadahock I need say nothing of it, there hath been heeretofore enough said by others, and I feare me too much. But the place is good, there fished this yeare two ships.

The next place I came to was Capemanwagan, Boothbay a place where nine ships fished this yeare. But I like it not for a plantation, for I could see[271] little good timber & lesse good ground, there I stayed foure nights, in which time, there came many Savages with their wiues and children, and some of good accompt amongst them, as Menarwormet a Sagamore, Cogawesco the Sagamore of Casco and Quack, now called Yorke, Somerset, a Sagamore, one that hath ben found very faithfull to the English, and hath saved the liues of many of our Nation, some from starving, others from killing.

They entended to haue ben gone presently, but hearing of my being there, they desired to see me, which I understood by one of the Masters of the Ships, who likewise told me that they had some store of Beauer coats and skinnes, and was going to Pemaquid to truck with one Mr. Witheridge, a Master of a ship of Bastable, and desired me to use meanes that they should not carry them out of the harbour, I wisht them to bring all their truck to one Mr. Cokes stage, & I would do the best I could to put it away: some of them did accordingly, and I then sent for the Sagamores, who came, and after some complements they told me I must be their cozen, and that Captaine Gorges was so, (which you may imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cozen to so many great Kings at one instant, but did willingly accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleasantly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them that[272] I understood they had some coates and Beauers skins which I desired to truck for but they were unwilling, and I seemed carelesse of it (as men must doe if they desire any thing of them.) But at last Somerset swore that there should be none carryed out of the harbour, but his cozen Levett should haue all, and then they began to offer me some by way of gift, but I would take none but one paire of sleeues from Cogawesco, but told them it was not the fashion of English Captaines alwaies to be taking, but sometimes to take and giue, and continually to truck was very good. But in fine, we had all except one coate and two skinnes, which they reserved to pay an old debt with, but they staying all that night, had them stole from them.

In the morning the Sagamores came to mee with a grieuous complaint, I vsed the best language I could to giue them content, and went with them to some Stages which they most suspected, and seached both Cabins and Chests, but found none. They seeing my willingnesse to finde the theefe out, gaue mee thankes, and wished me to forbeare saying the Rogues had carried them into the woods where I could not find them.

When they were ready to depart they asked mee where I meant to settle my plantation. I told them I had seene many places to the west, and intended to goe farther to the east[273] before I could resolue, they sayed there was no good place, and I had heard, that Pemoquid and Capmanwagan, and Monhiggon were granted to others, & the best time for fishing was then at hand, which made me the more willing to retire, and the rather because Cogawesco, the Sagamore of Casco and Quacke, told me if that I would sit downe at either of those two places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his wife would goe along with me in my boate to see them, which curtesy I had no reason to refuse, because, I had set vp my resolution before to settle my plantation at Quacke, which I named Yorke, and was glad of this oppertunity, that I had obtained the consent of them who as I conceiue hath a naturall right of inheritance, as they are the sonnes of Noah, and therefore doe thinke it fit to carry things very fairely without compulsion, (if it be posible) for avoyding of treacherie.

The next day the winde came faire, and I sayled to Quacke or Yorke, with the King, Queene, and Prince, bowe and arrowes, dogge and kettell in my boate, his noble attendance rowing by vs in their Cannow.

When we came to Yorke the Masters of the Shippes came to bid me welcome, and asked what Sauages those were, I told them, and I thanked them, they vsed them kindly, & gaue them meate, drinke and tobacco. The woman[274] or reputed Queene, asked me if those men were my friends, I told her they were; then she dranke to them, and told them, they were welcome to her Countrey, and so should all my friends be at any time, she dranke also to her husband, and bid him welcome to her Countrey too, for you must vnderstand that her father was the Sagamore of this place, and left it to her at his death hauing no more Children.

And thus after many dangers, much labour and great charge, I haue obtained a place of habitation in New-England, where I haue built a house, and fortified it in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough against such enemies as are those Sauage people.

How the Sauages carried themselues vnto me continually, and of my going to their Kings Houses: and their comming to mine.

WHILEST I staied in this place I had some little trucke, but not much, by reason of an euill member in the Harbour, who being couetous of trucke vsed the matter so, that he got the Sauages away from me.

And it is no wonder that he should abuse[275] me in this sort, for he hath not spared your Lordshipps and all the Counsell for New-England.

He said vnto the Gouernour that the Lords had sent men ouer into that Countrey with Commissions, to make a prey of others. And yet for my owne part I neuer demanded or tooke from any man in that Countrey, the value of a denier neither had I so much helpe, from any Shippe or Shippes companie as one mans labour the space of an houre, nor, had I any prouision or victuall vpon any tearmes whatsoeuer, saue onely 1000. of bread, and 22. bushells of pease, which was offered vnto mee and not by me requested, for which I gaue present satisfaction in Beuer skines: and also one Rownlet of Aqua vitæ, which was brought to me 16 Leagues vnexpected, which good manners bid me buy. Much more provision was offered to me by many Masters of Ships, but I had no need thereof, so I gaue them thanks for their kindnesse, and refused all.

Nay, it is well knowne, that I was so farre from doing wrong to any: that I suffered the Land which was granted to me by Pattent and made choyce of before any other man came there, to be used, and my timber to be cut downe & spoyled, without taking or asking any satisfaction for the same. And I doubt not but all others to whom you gaue authoritie,[276] will sufficiently cleare themselues of all such imputations.

He said also he cared not for any authoritie in that place and though he was forbid to trucke yet would he haue all he could get: in despite of who should say to the contrary, having a great Ship with 17. peeces of Ordinance and 50. men.

And indeed his practise was according to his words, for every Sunday or once in the weeke, he went himselfe or sent a boate up the river and got all the trucke before they could come downe to the Harbour. And so many Savages as he could get to his stage, hee would enforce them to leaue their goods behind them. One instance a mongst many I will giue you.

On a certaine day there came two Savages to his place, who were under the command of Somerset or Conway, I know not whether, at which time they were both with me at my house, but the other two who went to him, knew not so much, but afterwards they understanding of it, came presently over, but left their Cotts and Beauer skins behind them, whereat Somerset and Conway were exceeding angrie and were ready to beate the poore fellows, but I would not suffer them so to doe. They presently went over the Harbor themselues in their Cannow to fetch their goods, but this man would let them haue none, but wished them to truck with him, they told him they would not, but would carry them[277] to Captaine Levett, he said Levett was no captaine, but a Iacknape, a poore fellow, &c. They told him againe that he was a Roague, with some other speeches, whereupon he and his company fell upon them & beate them both, in so much that they came to me in a great rage against him, and said they would be revenged on his Fishermen at sea, and much adoe I had to diswade one of them for going into England to tell King James of it, as he said; when they came to me in this rage, there was two or three Masters of Shippes by, and heard every word.

But all this did me no hurt, (saue the losse of the trucke, which by divers was thought to be worth above 50. li.) for the two Sagamores whom he inticed from me, and incensed against me, at length used meanes to be freinds with me, sending one who asked me, if I were angrie with them, I told them no, I was not angrie with them for any such matter as lowsie Cotts and skinnes, but if they were Matchett, that is, naughtie men, and rebellious, then I would be Mouchick Hoggery, that is very angry, and would Cram, that is, kill them all.

When they came them selues to me to seeke peace, they brought me a Beauer Coate, and two Otter skines, which they would have let me had for nothing, but I would not take them so, but gaue them more then vsually I did by way of Trucke, I then told them likewise that if at any[278] time they did Trucke with mee, they should haue many good things in leiu of their Beauer: and if they did not Trucke it was no matter, I would be good friends with them, at which they smiled and talked one to the other, saying the other man was a Iacknape, and that I had the right fashion of the Aberieney Sagamores, then they began to applaude or rather flatter me, saying I was so bigge a Sagamore, yea foure fathom, which were the best words they could vse to expresse their minds: I replied that I was a poore man as he had reported of mee. They said againe it was no matter what I said, or that Iacknape (which is the most disgracefull word that may be in their conceite,) for all the Sagamores in the Country loued poore Levett and was Muchicke sorrie that he would be gon, and indeed I cannot tell what I should thinke of them, for euer after they would bring mee any thing they thought would giue mee content, as Egges and the whole bodyes of Beauer, which in my concite eate like Lambe, and is not inferiour to it: yea the very coats of Beauer & Otter-skinnes from off their backes, which though I many time refused, yet not allwaies, but I neuer tooke any such courtesie from them, but I requited them answerably, chusing rather to neglect the present profit, then the hopes I haue to bring them to better things, which I hope will be for a publicke good, and which I am[279] perswaded were a greeuous sinne, to neglect for any sinister end.

And a little before my departure there came these Sagamores to see mee, Sadamoyt, the great Sagamore of the East Countrey, Manawormet, Opparunwit, Skedraguscett, Cogawesco, Somersett, Conway and others.

They asked me why I would be gone out of their Countrey, I was glad to tell them my wife would not come thither except I did fetch her, they bid a pox on her hounds, (a phrase they have learned and doe vse when they doe curse) and wished me to beate her. I told them no, for then our God would bee angrie. Then they runne out vpon her in euil tearmes, and wished me to let her alone and take another, I told them our God would be more angrie for that. Againe they bid me beate her, beate her, repeating it often, and very angerly, but I answered no, that was not the English fashion, and besides, she was a good wife and I had children by her, and I loued her well, so I satisfied them. Then they told me that I and my wife and Children, with all my friends, should bee hartily welcome into that Countrey at any time, yea a hundreth thousand times, yea Mouchicke, Mouchicke, which is a word of waight.

And Somersett tould that his Sonne (who was borne, whilst I was in the Countrey, and whom hee would needs haue to Name) and mine should[280] be Brothers and that there should be muchicke legamatch, (that is friendship) betwixt them, untill Tanto carried them to his wigwam, (that is vntill that they died.)

Then they must know of mee how long I would be wanting, I told them so many Months, at which they seemed to be well pleased, but wisht me to take heede I proued not Chechaske in that (that is, a lier.) They asked me what I would doe with my house, I told them I would leaue 10. of my men there vntill I came againe, and that they should kill all the Tarrantens they should see (being enimies to them) and with whom the English haue no commarsse. At which they reioyced exceedingly, and then agreed amongst themselues that when the time should be expired, which I spoke of for my returne, euery one at the place where he liued would looke to the Sea, and when they did see a Ship they wold send to all the Sagamores in the Countrey, and tell them that poore Levett was come againe. And thus insteed of doing me hurt, I thinke that either he or I haue done good to all Planters, by winning their affections, (which may bee made vse of without trusting of them.)

But if your Lordship should put up this wrong done unto you, and the Authority which you gaue them, never expect to be obeyed in those parts, either by Planters or Fishermen;[281] for some haue not stucke to say, that if such a man, contemning authority, and abusing one of the counsell, and drawing his knife upon him at his own house, which he did, should goe unpunished, then would not they care what they did heereafter.

And truely let me tell your Lordships, that if euer you intend to punish any for disobedience, or contempt of authority, this man is a fit instrument to make a president of, for he is rich, and this yeare will gaine the best part of 500 pounds by that Countrie, and he hath nether wife nor childe, for whose sakes he should be spared.

And if he goe free, as hee has domineered over vs, to whom your Lordships gaue authority, but no power to put it in execution, so will he grow unmannerly too with your Lordships, as hee hath already begunne.

And it will discourage men hereafter to take any authority upon them, or to goe about to reforme any abuses in those parts, and also it will hinder Planters for going over, if Fishermen be suffered not onely to take away their truck, but also to animate the Sauages against them, for this is the way to cause all Planters to haue their throats cut.

But I leaue these things to your Lo. consideration, who haue as well power as authority to punish such rebellious persons.

Thus hauing acquainted you with what I[282] haue done, seen and heard; now giue me leaue to tell you what I thinke of the Savages, the inhabitants of that country: as also to iustifie the innocent, I meane the Countrie of New-England, against the slanderous reports of this man, and some others which I haue heard, and likewise to deliver my opinion, what courses I conceiue to be most convenient to be taken, for bringing most glorie to God, comfort, honor and benefit to our King, and our owne Natiue Nation.

The nature and disposition of the Savages, and of their severall Gods, Squanto and Tanto.

I HAUE had much conference with the Savages, about our only true God, and haue done my best to bring them to know and acknowledge him, but I feare me all the labour that way, will be lost, and no good will be done, except it be among the younger sort.

I find they haue two Gods, on they love: and the other they hate: the god they loue, they call Squanto, and to him they ascribe all their good fortunes.

The god they hate they call Tanto, and to him they ascribe all their euill fortunes, as thus,[283] when any is killed, hurt or sicke, or when it is evill wether, then they say Tanto is hoggry, that is angry. When any dyes, they say Tanto carries them to his wigwam, that is his house, and they never see them more.

I haue asked them where Squanto dwells, they say they cannot tell but up on high, and will poynt upwards. And for Tanto, they say farre west, but they know not where.

I haue asked them if at any time they haue seene Squanto, or Tanto, they say no, there is none sees them, but their Pawwawes, nor they neither, but when they dreame.

Their Pawwawes are their Phisitians and Surgions, and as I verely beleeue they are all Witches, for they foretell of ill wether, and many strange things, every Sagamore hath one of them belongs to his company, and they are altogether directed by them.

On a time I was at a Sagamores house and saw a Martins skin, and asked if he would trucke it, the Sagamore told me no, the Pawwawe used to lay that under his head when he dreamed, and if he wanted that, he could doe nothing, thus we may perceiue how the devill deludes those poore people and keep them in blindnesse.

I find them generally to be marvellous quicke of apprehension, and full of subteltie, they will quickely find any man’s disposition, and flatter & humour him strangely, if they hope to get[284] anything of him. And yet will they count him a foole if he doe not shew a dislike of it, and will say on to another, that such a man is a Mechecome.

They are slow of speech, and if they heare a man speake much they will laugh at him, and say he is a Mechecum, that is a foole.

If men of place be to familiar with them, they will not respect them: therefore it is to be wished that all such persons should be wise in their Carriage.

The Sagamores will scarce speake to an ordinary man, but will point to their men, and say Sanops, must speake to Sanops, and Sagamors to Sagamors.

They are very bloudy minded and full of Tracherie amongst themselues, one will kill another for their wiues, and he that hath the most wiues is the brauest fellow: therefore I would wish no man to trust them, what euer they say or doe; but alwaies to keepe a strickt hand ouer them, and yet to vse them kindly, and deale vprightly with them; so shall they please God, keepe their reputation amongst them, and be free from danger.

Their Sagamors are no Kings, as I verilie beleeue, for I can see no Government or Law amongst them but Club Law: and they call all Masters of Shippes Sagamore, or any other man, that they see have a commaund of men.

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Their wiues are their slaves, and doe all their worke the men will doe nothing but kill Beasts, Fish, &c.

On a time reasoning with one of their Sagamors about their hauing so many wiues, I tould him it was no good fashion, he then asked mee how many wiues King James had, I told him he neuer had but one, and shee was dead, at which he wondred, and asked mee who then did all the Kings worke. You may Imagin he thought their fashion was vniuersal and that no King had any to worke for them but their wiufs.

They haue no apparrell but skinnes, except they haue it from the English, or French, in winter they weare the haire side inwards, in summer outwards. They haue a peece of a skinne about their loines like a girdle and between their legges goes another, made fast to the girdles before and behind, which serues to couer their nakednesse, they are all thus apparrelled, going bare headed with long haire, sometimes you shall not know the men from women but by their breasts, the men having no haire on their faces.

When their Children are borne they bind them on a peece of board, and sets it vpright, either against a tree or any other place. They keep them thus bound vntill they be three months old, and after they are continuall naked vntill they be about fiue or sixe yeares.

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Yee shall haue them many times take their Children & bury them in the snow all but their faces for a time, to make them the better to endure cold, and when they are not aboue 2. yeares old, they will take them and cast them into the Sea, like a little dogge or Cat, to learne them to swimme.

Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, I never saw more then two fowling peeces, one pistall, about foure Halfe-pikes, and three Curtlaces Cutlasses amongst them, so that we neede not to feare them much, if wee auoid their Treacherie.

Their houses are built in halfe an houres space being onely a few powles or boughes stucke in the ground and couered with the barkes of trees.

Their Language differs as English & Welch. On a time the Gouernour was at my house, and brought with him a Salvage, who liued not aboue 70. miles from the place which I haue made choise of, who talking with another Sauage, they were glad to vse broken English to expresse their mind each to other, not being able to vnderstand one another in their Language.

And to say something of the Countrey: I will not doe therein as some haue done, to my knowledge speak more then is true: I will not tell you that you may smell the corne fields before you see the Land, neither must men thinke[287] that corne doth growe naturally (or on trees,) nor will the Deare come when they are called, or stand still and looke one a man, untill he shute him, not knowing a man from a beast, nor the fish leape into the kettle, nor on the drie Land, neither are they so plentifull, that you may dipp them up in baskets, nor take Codd in netts to make a voyage, which is no truer: then that the fowles will present themselues, to you with spitts through them.

But certainely there is fowle, Deare, and Fish enough for the taking if men be diligent, there be also Vines, Plume trees, Cherry trees, Strawberies, Gooseberies, and Raspes, Walnutts, chesnut, and small nuts, of each great plenty; there is also great store of parsley, and divers other holesome Earbes, both for profit and pleasure, with great store of Saxifrage, Cersa-perilla, and Anni-seeds.

And for the ground there is large & goodly Marsh to make meddow, higher land for pasture and corne.

There be these severall sorts of earth, which I haue seene, as, Clay, Sand, Grauill, yea and as blacke fatt earth, as ever I sawe in England in all my life.

There are likewise these helpes for ground, as Seasand, Oreworth or Wracke, Marle blew and white, and some men say there is Lime, but I must confesse I neuer saw any Lime-stone: but[288] I haue tried the Shels of Fish, and I find them to be good Lime.

Now let any husbandman tell mee, whither there be any feare of hauing any kind of Corne, hauing these seuerall kinds of Earth with these helpes, the Climat being full as good if not better than England.

I dare be bold to say also, there may be Shippes as conueniently built there as in any place of the world, where, I haue beene, and better cheape. As for Plancke, crooked Timber, and all other sorts what so euer can be desired for such purpose, the world cannot afford better. Masts and Yeards of all sises, there be allso Trees growing, whereof Pitch and Tarre is made.

And for Sailes and all sorts of Cordish you neede not to want, if you will but sowe Hempe and Flaxseede, and after worke it. Now there wants nothing but Iron, and truely I thinke I haue seene Iron-stones there, but I must acknowledge I haue no great iudgement in Mineralls, yet I haue seene the Iron-workes in England, and this Stone is like ours. But howsoever if the Countrie will not afford Iron, yet it may be easilie brought, for it is good Ballast for Shippes.

There is also much excellent Timber for Ioyners and Coopers: howsoeuer a worthy Noble man hath beene abused, who sent ouer some[289] to make Pippe-staues, who either for want of skill or industrie, did no good. Yet I dare say no place in England can afford better Timber for Pippe-staues, then foure seuerall places which I haue seene in that Countrey.

Thus haue I relaited vnto you what I haue seene, and doe know may be had in those parts of New-England where I haue beene, yet was I neuer at the Mesachusett, which is counted the Paradise of New-England, nor at Cape Ann. But I feare there hath been too faire a glosse set on Cape Ann. I am told there is a good Harbour which makes a faire Inuitation, but when they are in, their entertainement is not answerable, for there is little good ground, and the Shippes which fished there this yeare, their boats went twenty miles to take their Fish, and yet they were in great feare of making their Voyages, as one of the Masters confessed vnto me who was at my house.

Neither was I at New-Plimoth, but I feare that place is not so good as many other, for if it were in my conceite they would content themselues with it and not seeke for any other hauing ten times so much ground as would serue ten times so many people as they haue now amongst them. But it seemes they haue no Fish to make benifit of, for this yeare they had one Shippe Fisht at Pemoquid, and an other at Cape Ann, where they haue begun a new[290] Plantation, but how long it will continew I know not.

Neither was I ever farther to the West then the Iles of Shoulds.

Thus have I done with my commendations of the Countrie. I will now speake the worst I know by it.

About the middle of May you shall haue little Flies, called Musketoes, which are like Gnatts, they continue as I am told, vntill the last of July. These are very troublesome for the time, for they sting exceedingly both night and day. But I found by experience that bootes or thicke stockings would saue the legges, gloues the hands, and tiffeney or some such things which will not much hinder the sight will saue the face, and at night any smoake will secure a man.

The reason of the aboundance of these creatures, I take to be the woods which hinders the aire, for I haue obserued allwaies when the winde did blow but a little, we were not much troubled with them.

And I verily thinke that if there were a good number of people planted together, and that the woods were cut downe, the earth were tilled, and the rubbish which lieth on the ground wherein they breed were burnt, and that there were many chimneyes smoaking, such small creatures would doe but little hurt.

[291]

Another euill or inconuenience I see there, the snow in winter did lie very long vpon the ground.

But I understand that all the parts of Christendome, were troubled with a cold winter so well as wee. Yet would I aske any man what hurt snow doeth? The husbandman will say that Corne is the better for it. And I hope Cattell may bee as well fed in the house there as in England, Scotland, and other Countries, and he is but an ill husband that cannot find imployments for his seruants within doores for that time. As for Wiues and Children if they bee wise they will keepe themselues close by a good fire, and for men they will haue no occasion to ride to Faires or Markets, Sysses or Sessions, only Hawkes and Hounds will not then be vsefull.

Yet let me tell you that it is still almost Christmas before there be any winter there, so that the cold time doth not continue long.

And by all reason that Countrey should be hotter then England, being many Degrees farther from the North Pole.

And thus according to my poore understanding I haue given you the best information I can of the people and Country, commodities and discommodities. Now giue mee leaue to oppose myselfe against the man beforementioned, and others, who speaks against the Country, and[292] plantations in those parts, and to set down such obiections as I haue heard them make, and my answers, and afterward let wisedome iudge: for my desire is, that the saddle may be set on the right horse, and the Asse may be rid, and the knaue punished, either for discouraging or incouraging too much, whosoeuer he be.

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