## The Project Gutenberg eBook of New-Englands plantation

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Title: New-Englands plantation

with the sea journal and other writings

Author: Francis Higginson

Release date: October 4, 2023 [eBook #71799]

Language: English

Original publication: Salem, Mass: The Essex Book and Print Club, 1908

Credits: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION ***

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

The main text of this book is a facsimile reproduction of printed documents from around 1630, and include many printing errors from those original documents. Spelling and punctuation are very inconsistent. These issues have been left unchanged in this etext to maintain the authenticity of the original works.

The character ſ (long-form s) has been replaced by the modern s.

The anchors for the eight footnotes are denoted by [number]; these Notes have not been moved and can be found before the Index near the end of the book. There is also one other footnote in the book with the anchor [A] on page 53; this footnote has been moved and placed after the eight numbered Notes.

Some characters and groups of characters have an overline, similar to a macron. These will display on this device as
m n o u (m n o and u with overline)
co os oe mo (co os oe and mo with overline)
con (con with overline)

Some minor text changes to the Introduction and the Index are noted at the end of the book. These are indicated by a dashed blue underline.

PUBLICATIONS OF
THE ESSEX BOOK AND PRINT CLUB
No. I

# NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION
&c.

New-Englands
PLANTATION
WITH
The Sea Journal and
Other Writings
By Rev. Francis Higginson
First Minister of the Plantation at Salem
in the Massachusetts Bay Colony
The Essex Book and Print Club
SALEM MASSACHUSETTS
1908

ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FIVE COPIES
PRINTED AT THE RIVERSIDE PRESS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
FOR THE ESSEX BOOK
AND PRINT
CLUB

[Pg 5]

## Introduction

“New-Englands Plantation,” a tract published in London early in 1630, contains the earliest printed account of the colony established by Endecott in 1628, at Neihum-kek, now Salem. A description of the natural conditions surrounding the new settlement is also preserved, the narrative presenting, in the quaint phrase of the original, “a short and true description of the commodities and discommodities of that countrey.” The tract was written by the Reverend Francis Higginson, who came in the emigration following Endecott, and who was eminently fitted, both by education and profession, to prepare for the friends in England a faithful account of the life in the new country, not only to gratify a natural curiosity, but also to attract a further emigration.

[6]

Francis Higginson probably was born in Claybrooke Parish, Leicester, England, in 1587-88. He received his degree of M.A. in 1613 at Jesus College, Cambridge, and two years later he was settled over Claybrooke Parish, where he preached with distinction until at last his nonconformity brought him into danger of imprisonment. About that time “The Governor and Company of the Massachusetts-Bay in New England” obtained a charter from Charles I, and Higginson was invited to join the party which was being organized to make the first settlement in the new country. As minister he was to have equal political authority with the members of the governing council. He accepted the invitation, and with his family landed safely at Neihum-kek, now Salem, Massachusetts, on June 30, 1629, and on the 6th of August following, was ordained teacher of the church, with Samuel Skelton as pastor. By virtue of his office he became not only a spiritual guide but a leader among his people, more especially during the trying winter and spring following the arrival of the ships. The exposure and the privations endured during that time proved too severe, and consumption laid hold upon him. He died August 6, 1630, “in the prime of his life and on[7] the threshold of a great career,” leaving a widow and eight children, one of whom also became a minister and served the Salem church for nearly fifty years.

The manuscript of “New-Englands Plantation” probably was sent home to England upon the return of one of the vessels that had brought over the planters. It was received in London before November 20, 1629 (see Young’s “Chronicles of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay,” pp. 107, 242). Higginson had not expected that it would be printed, as it was written for “the satisfaction of loving friends” who had requested a letter upon his arrival, giving some account of the voyage across the Atlantic and of the newly settled country. Only the latter part of this letter was printed, the earlier portion, describing the voyage, not being deemed of sufficient importance to be thus preserved. Three editions were published, all bearing date of 1630. The author’s name appears on the title-pages of the second and third editions. In 1634 was published William Wood’s “New Englands Prospect,” which gave much detailed information regarding the country and the settlements in the Massachusetts Bay. This superseded the earlier account by Higginson, and the latter dropped out of sight and in time[8] became very rare. In 1792 it was reprinted in the Massachusetts Historical Collections. In 1836 it was included in Force’s “Tracts,” and in 1846 in Young’s “Chronicles of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay.”

The several editions may be described as follows:

First Edition

New-Englands | Plantation. | or, | A Short and Trve | Description of the | Commodities and | Discommodities | of that Countrey.| Written by a reuerend Diuine now | there resident. | [Printer’s ornament] | London, | Printed by T. C. and R. C. for Michael Sparke, | dwelling at the Signe of the Blew Bible in | Greene Arbor in the little Old Bailey. | 1630. |

Small 4to. 21 unnumbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse blank; To the Reader, signed M. S. (1), reverse blank; New-Englands Plantation (17); ends “Finis.” Signatures, B- (D on last page).

Second Edition

New-Englands | Plantation. | Or, | A Short and Trve | Description of the | Commodities and | Discommodities | of that Countrey. | Written by Mr. Higgeson, a reuerend Diuine | now there resident. | Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr. Graues | an Enginere, out of New-England, | The second Edition enlarged. | [Printer’s ornament] | London, | Printed by[9] T. & R. Cotes, for Michael Sparke, | dwelling at the Signe of the Blew Bible in | Greene Arbor in the little Old Bailey. | 1630. |

Small 4to. 27 unnumbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse blank; To the Reader, signed M. S. (1), reverse blank; New-Englands Plantajon (23); ends “Fjnjs.” Signatures, B (beginning with “New-Englands Plantajon”)- D(4)

Third Edition

New-Englands | Plantation. | or, | A Short and True | Description of the | Commodities and | Discommodities | of that Countrey. | Written by Mr. Higgeson, a reuerend Diuine | now there resident. | Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr. Graues | an enginere, out of New England, | The Third Edition, enlarged. | [Printer’s ornament] | London. | Printed by T. and R. Cotes, for Michael Sparke, dwelling | at the Signe of the Blue Bible in Greene-Arbor, 1630. |

Small 4to. 23 numbered pages. Collation: Title (1), reverse, To the Reader, signed M. S. (2); New-Englands Plantation (3-17); [Ornament] A Letter sent from New-England, by Master Graues, engynere now there resident (18-19); A Catalogue of such needfull things as euery Planter doth or ought to Prouide to go to New-England, etc. (20-21); The names of the most remarkable places in New-England (22-23); ends “Fjnjs.” Signatures, A7; 1 leaf, B-D in 4s.

[10]

Copies of the several editions are preserved in the following libraries:

First Edition.

Harvard University Library.

Essex Institute Library, Salem, Mass. (This copy has title-page and last leaf in fac-simile.)

John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.

New York Public Library (Lenox Library).

New York State Library, Albany, N. Y.

Library of Congress.

Library of E. D. Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Library of a Collector, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Library of Frederick R. Halsey, New York City.

Library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, Ill.

Second Edition.

Boston Public Library.

New York Public Library (Lenox Library).

Library of E. D. Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Library of a Collector, Brooklyn, N. Y.

Library of Henry Huth, London, Eng.

Third Edition.

Boston Public Library.

Massachusetts Historical Society Library.

John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.

New York Public Library (Lenox Library).

Philadelphia Library Company. (This copy has title-page of the first edition bound with text of the third edition.)

British Museum Library.

Library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, Ill.

[11]

In the following pages the first edition of “New-Englands Plantation” is reproduced in fac-simile from a copy in the John Carter Brown Library, at Providence, R. I., through the courtesy of the Librarian, Mr. George Parker Winship. The third edition also has been reprinted from a copy in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society for purposes of comparison and to preserve the additional matter that it contains. The account of the voyage to Neihum-kek and other writings of Higginson are from the manuscript formerly in the possession of Governor Hutchinson and now preserved by the Massachusetts Historical Society.

[13]

## CONTENTS

| PAGE
“New-Englands Plantation,” by Rev. Francis Higginson, London, 1630. Fac-simile of the first edition | 15
“Generall Consideracons” for the planting of New England | 39
The Agreement between Mr. Higginson and the New England Company | 49
A true relation of the last voyage to New England in 1629 by Mr. Higginson | 55
“New-Englands Plantation,” London, 1630. The third edition | 85
A letter that Mr. Higginson sent to his friends at Leicester | 115
Notes | 123
Index | 127

[15]

## NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION

[17]

NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION.

OR,

A SHORT AND TRVE
DESCRIPTION OF THE
COMMODITIES AND
DISCOMMODITIES
of that Countrey.

Written by a reuerend Diuine now
there resident.

LONDON,
Printed by T. C. and R. C. for Michael Sparke,
dwelling at the Signe of the Blew Bible in
Greene Arbor in the little Old Bailey.
1630.

[19]

To the Reader.

REader, doe not disdaine to read this Relation; and looke not here to haue a large Gate and no building within; a full-stuffed Title with no matter in the Booke: But here reade the truth, and that thou shalt find without any frothy bumbasted words, or any quaint new-deuised additions, onely as it was written (not intended for the Presse) by a reuerend Diuine now there living, who onely sent it to some Friends here, which were desirous of his Relations; which is an Epitomy of their proceedings in the Plantation. And for thy part if thou meanest to be no Planter nor Venturer, doe but lend thy good Prayers for the furthrance of it. And so I rest a well-wisher to all the good designes both of them which are gone, and of them that are to goe.

M. S.

[21]

## NEW ENGLANDS
PLANTATION.

LEtting passe our Voyage by Sea, we will now begin our discourse on the shore of New-England. And because the life and wel-fare of euerie Creature here below, and the commodiousnesse of the Countrey whereas such Creatures liue, doth by the most wise ordering of Gods prouidence, depend next vnto himselfe, vpon the temperature and disposition of the foure Elements, Earth, Water, Aire and Fire (For as of the mixture of all these, all sublunarie things are composed; so by the more or lesse inioyment of the wholesome temper and conuenient vse of these, consisteth the onely well-being both of Man and Beast in a more or lesse comfortable measure in all Countreys vnder the Heanens) Therefore I will endeauour to shew you what New-England is by the consideration of each of these apart, and truly endeauour by Gods helpe to report nothing but the naked truth and that both to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the commodities, though as[22] the idle Prouerbe is, Trauellers may lye by authoritie, and so may take too much sinfull libertie that way. Yet I may say of my selfe as once Nehemiah did in another case: Shall such a Man as I lye? No verily: It becommeth not a Preacher of Truth to be a Writer of Falshood in any degree: and therefore I haue beene carefull to report nothing of New-England but what I haue partly seene with mine owne Eyes, and partly heard and enquired from the Mouthes of verie honest and religious person, who by liuing in the Countrey a good space of time haue had experience and knowledge of the state thereof, & whose testimonies I doe beleeue as my selfe.

First therefore of the Earth of New-England and all the appurtenances thereof: It is a Land of diuers and sundry sorts all about Masathulets Bay, and at Charles Riuer is as fat blacke Earth as can be seene any where: and in other places you haue a clay soyle, in other grauell, in other sandy, as it is all about our Plantation at Salem, for so our Towne is now named, Psal. 76.2.

The forme of the Earth here in the superficies of it is neither too flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in Hils, but partakes of both in a mediocritie, and fit for Pasture, or for Plow or Meddow ground, as Men please to employ it: though all the Countrey be as it were a thicke Wood for the generall, yet in diuers places there is much ground cleared by the Indians, and especially about the Plantation:[23] and I am told that about three miles from vs a Man may stand on a little hilly place and see diuers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a Tree in the same. It is thought here is good Clay to make Bricke and Tyles and Earthen-Pots as needs to be. At this instant we are setting a Bricke-Kill on worke to make Brickes and Tyles for the building of our Houses. For Stone, here is plentie of Slates at the Ile of Slate Masathulets Bay, and Lime-stone, Free-stone, and Smooth-stone, and Iron-stone, and Marble-stone also in such store, that we haue great Rockes of it, and a Harbour hard by. Our Plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.

Of Minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made, yet we are not without great hope of being furnished in that Soyle.

The fertilitie of the Soyle is to be admired at, as appeareth in the aboundance of Grasse that groweth euerie where both verie thicke, verie long, and verie high in diuers places: but it groweth very wildly with a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because it neuer had been eaten with Cattle, nor mowed with a Sythe, and seldome trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be beleeued how our Kine and Goats, Horses and Hogges doe thriue and prosper here and like well of this Countrey.

In our Plantation we haue already a quart of Milke for a penny: but the aboundant encrease of Corne proues this Countrey to be[24] a wonderment. Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here: yea Iosephs encrease in Ægypt is out-stript here with vs. Our Planters hope to haue more then a hundred fould this yere: and all this while I am within compasse; what will you say of two hundred fould and vpwards? It is almost incredible what great gaine some of our English Planters haue had by our Indian Corne. Credible persons haue assured me, and the partie himselfe auouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of 13 Gallons of Corne he hath had encrease of it 52 Hogsheads, euerie Hogshead holding seuen Bushels of London measure, and euerie Bushell was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much Beauer as was worth 18 shillings; and so of this 13 Gallons of Corne which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made about 327 pounds of it the yeere following, as by reckoning will appeare: where you may see how God blesseth husbandry in this Land. There is not such great and beautifull eares of Corne I suppose any where else to be found but in this Countrey: being also of varietie of colours, as red, blew and yellow, &c. and of one Corne there springeth foure or fiue hundred. I haue sent you many Eares of diuers colours that you might see the truth of it.

Little Children here by setting of Corne may earne much more then their owne maintenance.

They haue tryed our English Corne at new Plimouth Plantation, so that all our seuerall[25] Graines will grow here verie well, and haue a fitting Soyle for their nature.

Our Gouernour hath store of greene Pease growing in his Garden as good as euer I eat in England.

This Countrey aboundeth naturally with store of Roots of great varietie and good to eat. Our Turnips, Parsnips and Carrots are here both bigger and sweeter then is ordinarily to be found in England. Here are also store of Pumpions, Cowcumbers, and other things of that nature which I know not. Also, diuers excellent Pot-herbs grow abundantly among the Grasse, as Strawberrie leaues in all places of the Countrey, and plentie of Strawberries in their time, and Penyroyall, Wintersauerie, Sorrell, Brookelime, Liuerwort, Caruell and Watercresses, also Leekes and Onions are ordinarie, and diuers Physicall Herbes. Here are also aboundance of other sweet Herbes delightfull to the smell, whose names we know not, &c. and plentie of single Damaske Roses verie sweet; and two kinds of Herbes that beare two kind of Flowers very sweet, which they say, are as good to make Cordage or Cloath as any Hempe or Flaxe we haue.

Excellent Vines are here vp and downe in the Woods. Our Gouernour hath already planted a Vineyard with great hope of encrease.

Also, Mulberies, Plums, Raspberies, Corrance, Chesnuts, Filberds, Walnuts, Smalnuts, Hurtleberies & Hawes of Whitethorne neere[26] as good as our Cherries in England, they grow in plentie here.

For Wood there is no better in the World I thinke, here being foure sorts of Oke differing both in the Leafe, Timber, and Colour, all excellent good. There is also good Ash, Elme, Willow, Birch, Beech, Saxafras, Iuniper Cipres, Cedar, Spruce, Pines & Firre that will yeeld abundance of Turpentine, Pitch, Tarre, Masts and other materials for building both of Ships and Houses. Also here are store of Sumacke Trees, they are good for dying and tanning of Leather, likewise such Trees yeeld a precious Gum called White Beniamen, that they say is excellent for perfumes. Also here be diuers Roots and Berries wherewith the Indians dye excellent holy day colours that no raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee haue materials to make Sope-Ashes and Salt-Peter in aboundance.

For Beasts there are some Beares, and they say some Lyons also; for they haue been seen at Cape Anne. Also here are seuerall sorts of Deere, some whereof bring three or foure young ones at once, which is not ordinarie in England. Also Wolues, Foxes, Beauers, Otters, Martins, great wild Cats, & a great Beast called a Molke as bigge as an Oxe. I haue seen the Skins of all these Beasts since I came to this Plantation excepting Lyons. Also here are great store of Squerrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser: there are some of the lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certaine Skin[27] will fly from Tree to Tree though they stand farre distant.

### Of the waters of New-England with the things
belonging to the same.

New-England hath Water enough both salt and fresh, the greatest Sea in the World, the Atlanticke Sea runs all along the Coast thereof. There are abundance of Ilands along the Shore, some full of Wood and Mast to feed Swine; and others cleere of Wood, and fruitful to beare Corne. Also we haue store of excellent harbours for Ships, as at Cape Anne, and at Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many other places: and they are the better because for Strangers there is a verie difficult and dangerous passage into them, but vnto such as are well acquainted with them, they are easie and safe enough. The aboundance of Sea-Fish are almost beyond beleeuing, and sure I should scarce haue beleeued it except I had seene it with mine owne Eyes. I saw great store of Whales, and Crampusse, and such aboundance of Makerils that it would astonish one to behold, likewise Cod-Fish aboundance on the Coast, and in their season are plentifully taken. There is a Fish called a Basse, a most sweet & wholesome Fish as euer I did eat, it is altogether as good as our fresh Sammon, and the season of their comming was begun when we came first to New-England in Iune, and so continued about[28] three months space. Of this Fish our Fishers take many hundreds together, which I haue seene lying on the shore to my admiration; yea, their Nets ordinarily take more then they are able to hale to Land, and for want of Boats and Men they are constrained to let a many goe after they haue taken them, and yet sometimes they fill two Boats at a time with them. And besides Basse we take plentie of Scate and Thornbacke, and aboundance of Lobsters, that the least Boy in the Plantation may both catch and eat what he wil of them. For my owne part I was soone cloyed with them, they were so great, and fat, and lussious. I haue seene some my selfe that haue weighed 16 pound, but others haue had diuers time so great Lobsters as haue weighed 25 pound, as they assured me. Also here is aboundance of Herring, Turbut, Sturgion, Cuskes, Hadocks, Mullets, Eeles, Crabs, Muskles and Oysters. Beside there is probabilitie that the Countrey is of an excellent temper for the making of Salt: for since our comming our Fishermen haue brought home verie good Salt which they found candied by the standing of the Sea water and the heat of the Sunne, vpon a Rock by the Sea shore: and in diuers Salt Marishes that some haue gone through, they haue found some Salt in some places crushing vnder their Feet and cleauing to their Shoes.

And as for fresh Water the Countrey is full of daintie Springs, and some great Riuers, and some lesser Brookes; and at Masathulets Bay[29] they digged Wels and found Water at three Foot deepe in most places: and neere Salem they haue as fine cleare Water as we can desire, and we may digge Wels and find Water where we list.

Thus we see both Land and Sea abound with store of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of Mans life in New-England.

### Of the Aire of New-England with the Temper
and Creatures in it.

The Temper of the Aire of New-England is one speciall thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthfull place to be found in the World that agreeth better with our English Bodyes. Many that haue beene weake and sickly in old England, by comming hither hane beene thoroughly healed and growne healthfull and strong. For here is an extraordinarie cleere and dry Aire that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of a Cold, Melancholy, Flegmatick, Reumaticke temper of Body. None can more truly speake hereof by their owne experience then my selfe. My Friends that knew me can well tell how verie sickly I haue been and continually in Physick, being much troubled with a tormenting paine through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my Stomacke, and aboundance of Melancholicke humors; but since I came hither on this Voyage, I thanke God I haue had perfect health,[30] and freed from paine and vomitings, hauing a Stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest fare who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my Stomacke could onely digest and did require such drinke as was both strong and stale, now I can and doe oftentimes drink New-England water verie well; and I that haue not gone without a Cap for many yeeres together, neither durst leaue off the same, haue now cast away my Cap, and doe weare none at all in the day time: and whereas beforetime I cloathed my selfe with double cloathes and thicke Wastcoats to keepe me warme, euen in the Summer time, I doe now goe as thin clad as any, onely wearing a light Stuffe Cassocke vpon my Shirt and Stuffe Breeches of one thicknesse without Linings. Besides, I haue one of my Children that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the Kings Euill, but since he came hither he is verie well ouer hee was, and there is hope of perfect recouerie shortly, euen by the verie wholesomnesse of the Aire, altering, digesting and drying vp the cold and crude humors of the Body: and therefore I thinke it is a wise course for all cold complections to come to take Physicke in New England; for a sup of New-Englands Aire is better then a whole draft of old Englands Ale.

In the Summer time in the midst of Iuly and August it is a good deale hotter then in old England: and in Winter, Ianuary and February[31] are much colder as they say: but the Spring and Autumne are of a middle temper.

Fowles of the Aire are plentifull here, and of all sorts as we haue in England as farre as I can learne, and a great many of strange Fowles which we know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of our Men brought home an Eagle which he had killed in the Wood: they say they are good meat. Also here are many kinds of excellent Hawkes, both Sea Hawkes and Land Hawkes: and my selfe walking in the Woods with another in company, sprung a Partridge so bigge that through the heauinesse of his Body could fly but a little way: they that haue killed them, say they are as bigge as our Hens. Here are likewise aboundance of Turkies often killed in the Woods, farre greater then our English Turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet and fleshy, for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long, as Strawberries, in Summer all places are full of them, and all manner of Berries and Fruits. In the Winter time I haue seene Flockes of Pidgeons, and haue eaten of them: they doe flye from Tree to Tree as other Birds doe, which our Pidgeons will not doe in England: they are of all colours as ours are, but their wings and tayles are farr longer, and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible Hawkes in this Countrey. In Winter time this Countrey doth abound with wild Geese, wild Duckes, and other Sea Fowle, that a great part of winter the Planters[32] haue eaten nothing but roastmeat of diuers Fowles which they haue killed.

Thus you haue heard of the Earth, Water and Aire of New-England, now it may be you expect something to be said of the Fire proportionable to the rest of the Elements.

Indeed I thinke New England may boast of this Element more then of all the rest: for though it be here somthing cold in the winter, yet here we haue plentie of Fire to warme vs, and that a great deale cheaper then they sell Billets and Faggots in London: nay, all Europe is not able to afford to make so great Fires as New-England. A poore Seruant here that is to possesse but 50 Acres of Land, may afford to giue more wood for Timber and Fire as good as the world yeelds, then many Noble Men in England can afford to doe. Here is good liuing for those that loue good Fires. And although New-England haue no Tallow to make Candles of, yet by the aboundance of the Fish thereof, it can afford Oyle for Lampes. Yea our Pine-Trees that are the most plentifull of all wood, doth allow vs plentie of Candles, which are verie vsefull in a House: and they are such Candles as the Indians commonly vse, hauing no other, and they are nothing else but the wood of the Pine Tree clouen in two little slices something thin, which are so full of the moysture of Turpentine and Pitch, that they burne as cleere as a Torch. I haue sent you some of them that you may see the experience of them.

[33]

Thus of New-Englands commodities, now I will tell you of some discommodities that are here to be found.

First, In the Summer season for these three months Iune, Iuly and August, we are troubled much with little Flyes called Musketoes, being the same they are troubled with in Linconshiere and the Fens: and they are nothing but Gnats, which except they be smoked out of their Howses are troublesome in the night season.

Secondly, In the Winter season for two months space the Earth is commonly couered with Snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting Frosts, something more sharpe then is in old England, and therefore are forced to make great Fires.

Thirdly, This Countrey being verie full of Woods and Wildernesses, doth also much abound with Snakes and Serpents of strange colours and huge greatnesse: yea there are some Serpents called Rattle Snakes, that haue Rattles in their Tayles that will not flye from a Man as others will, but will flye vpon him and sting him so mortally, that he will dye within a quarter of an houre after, except the partie stinged haue about him some of the root of an Hearbe called Snake weed to bite on, and then he shall receiue no harme: but yet seldome falles it out that any hurt is done by these. About three yeeres since an Indian was stung to death by one of them, but we heard of none since that time.

[34]

Fourthly and lastly, Here wants as yet the good company of honest Christians to bring with them Horses, Kine and Sheepe to make vse of this fruitfull Land: great pittie it is to see so much good ground for Corne and for Grasse as any is vnder the Heauens, to lye altogether vnoccupied, when so many honest Men & their Families in old England through the populousnesse thereof, do make very hard shift to liue one by the other.

Now, thus you know what New-England is, as also with the commodities and discommodities thereof: now I will shew you a little of the Inhabitants thereof, and their gouernment.

For their Gouernours they haue Kings, which they call Saggamores, some greater, and some lesser, according to the number of their Subiects.

The greatest Saggamores about vs can not make aboue three hundred Men, and other lesse Saggamores haue not aboue fifteene Subiects, and others neere about vs but two.

Their Subiects about twelue yeeres since were swept away by a great and grieuous Plague that was amongst them, so that there are verie few left to inhabite the Countrey.

The Indians are not able to make vse of the one fourth part of the Land, neither haue they any setled places, as Townes to dwell in, nor any ground as they challenge for their owne possession, but change their habitation from place to place.

[35]

For their Statures, they are a tall and strong limmed People, their colours are tawny, they goe naked, saue onely they are in part couered with Beasts Skins on one of their Shoulders, and weare something before their Priuities: their Haire is generally blacke, and cut before like our Gentlewomen, and one locke longer then the rest, much like to our Gentlemen, which fashion I thinke came from hence into England.

For their weapons, they haue Bowes and Arrowes, some of them headed with Bone, and some with Brasse: I haue sent you some of them for an example.

The Men for the most part liue idlely, they doe nothing but hunt and fish: their wiues set their Corne and doe all their other worke. They haue little Houshold stuffe, as a Kettle, and same other Vessels like Trayes, Spoones, Dishes and Baskets.

Their Houses are verie little and homely, being made with small Poles pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastned at the tops, and on the sides they are matted with Boughes, & couered on the Roofe with Sedge and old Mats; and for their beds that they take their rest on, they haue a Mat.

They doe generally professe to like well of our comming and planting here, partly because there is abundance of ground that they cannot possesse nor make vse of, and partly because our being here will be a meanes both of reliefe to them when they want, and also a[36] defence from their Enemies, wherewith (I say) before this Plantation begun, they were often indangered.

For their Religion, they doe worship two Gods, a good God and an euill God: the good God they call Tantum, and their euill God whom they feare will doe them hurt, they call Squantum.

For their dealing with vs, we neither feare them nor trust them, for fourtie of our Musketeeres will driue fiue hundred of them out of the Field. We vse them kindly, they will come into our Houses sometimes by halfe a douzen or halfe a score at a time when we are at victuals, but will aske or take nothing but what we giue them.

We purpose to learne their Language as soone as we can, which will be a meanes to do them good.

### Of the present condition of the Plantation,
and what it is.

When we came first to Neihum kek, we found about halfe a score Houses, and a faire House newly built for the Gouernour, we found also aboundance of Corne planted by them, verie good and well likeing. And we brought with vs about two hundred Passengers and Planters more, which by common consent of the old Planters were all combined together into one Body Politicke, vnder the same Gouernour.

[37]

There are in all of vs both old and new Planters about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them are setled at Nehum-kek, now called Salem: and the rest haue Planted themselues at Masathulets Bay, beginning to build a Towne there which we doe call Cherton, or Charles Towne.

We that are setled at Salem make what hast we can to build Houses, so that within a short time we shall haue a faire Towne.

We haue great Ordnance, wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortifie our selues in a short time to keepe out a potent Aduersarie. But that which is our greatest comfort, and meanes of defence aboue all other, is, that we haue here the true Religion and holy Ordinances of Almightie God taught amongst vs: Thankes be to God, we haue here plentie of Preaching, and diligent Catechizing, with strickt and carefull exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring our People into a Christian conuersation with whom we

haue to doe withall. And thus we doubt
not but God will be with vs, and
if God be with vs, who can
be against vs?

FINIS.

[39]

## GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
&c.

[41]

Generall Consideracons for ye plantacon in New England, wth an aunswere to seuerall objections[1]

FIRST it will be a service to ye Church of great consequence, to carry ye gospell into those parts of ye world, & to raise a bulwarke agt ye kingdos of Antichrist wch ye Jesuits labour to reare vp in all places of ye world.

Secondly all other churches of Europe are brought to desolacon, & it may be justly feared yt ye like judgmt is coming vpon vs: & who knowes but yt God hath provided this place to be a refuge for many whom hee meanes to saue out of ye generall destruction.

Thirdly the land growes weary of her inhabitants, so that man wch is ye most precious of all creatures is here more vyle[42] & base then ye earth they tread upon; so as children neighbours & friends especially of ye poore, are counted ye greatest burdens, wch if things were right would be ye highest earthly blessings.

Wee are growen to yt excesse & intemperaunce in all excesse of riot as no meane estate almost will suffice to keepe saile wth his equalls & hee yt fayles in it must [live] in scorne & contempt. Hence it comes to passe yt all arts & trades are carried in yt deceitfull maner & vnrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a good upright man to maintayne his chardge & liue cofortably in any of ym.

Fiftly ye Schooles of learning & religion are so corrupted, as (besides ye unsupportable chardge of this educacon) most children, (euen ye best wittiest & of fayrest hopes) are perverted, corrupted & utterly ouerpowered by ye multitude of evill examples & licentious governors of those seminaries.

Sixtly ye whole earth is ye Lords garden & hee hath giuen it to ye sons of Adam to bee tilled & improoued by ym why then should we stand starving here for places of habitacon (many men spending as much labour & cost to recouer or keepe soetymes an acre or two of lands, as would procure him many hundreths of[43] acres, as good or better in another place) & in ye meane tyme suffer whole countreyes as profitable for ye use of man, to lye wast wthout any improouement.

Seaventhly, what can bee a better worke and more noble & worthy a Christian, then to helpe to raise & support a particular church while it is in it infancy, & to [join] or forces wth such a copany of faithfull people, as by a tymely assistaunce may grow stronger & prosper, & for want of it may be put to great hazzard if not wholly ruinated?

Eightly if any such as are knowne to bee godly & liue in wealth & prosperity here, shall forsake all this to joyne ymselves wth this church, & runne in hazard wth ym of hard & meane condicon, it will be an example of great vse both for ye remooving of Scandall & sinister & worldly respects, to giue more lyfe to ye faith of Gods people in their prayers for ye plantacon, & also to encourage others to joyne ye more willingly in it.

### Objections:

Obj. 1. It will bee a great wrong to or owne church & countrey to take away the best people; & we still lay it [44]more open to ye judgmts feared.

Aunsw. 1. The number will be nothing in respect of those yt are left. 2ly many yt liue to no vse here, more then for their owne priuate familyes may bee employed to a more como good in another place. 3ly such as are of good vse here may yett be so employed as ye church shall receiue no losse. and since Christs coming ye church is to be conceiued as universal wthout distinctio of countryes, so as hee yt doth good in any one place serves ye church in all places, in regard of ye vnitye. 4thly it is ye revealed will of God yt ye gospell should be preached to all nations, and though we know not whether ye Indians will receiue it or not, yet it is a good worke to observe Gods will in offering it to ym, for God shall haue glory by it though yy refuse it.

Object. 2. wee haue feared a judgemt a long tyme, but yet we are safe; therefore it were better to stay till it come, & either we may flie then, or if we be ouertaken in it wee may well bee content to suffer wth such a church as ours is.

Aunsw. It is likely yt this consideracon made ye churches beyond ye seas as ye Palatinate & Rochel &c to sit still at home, & not looke out for shelter while yy might haue found it. but ye wofull spectacle of their ruine may teach us more wisdome[45] to avoid ye plague while it is foreseene, & not to tarry as yy did till it ouertooke ym. If they were now at their former liberty, wee may be sure yy would take other courses for their safety. And though most of ym had miscarried in their escape, yet it had not bene halfe so miserable to thmselves, or scandalous to religion, as this desperate backsliding and abjuring ye truth, wch many of ye auntient professours among ym, & ye whole posterity that remayne are plunged into.

Object. 3. wee haue here a fruitfull Land wth peace & plenty of all things.

Aunsw: wee are like to haue as good condicons there in tyme; but yet we must leaue all this abundance, if it bee not taken fro vs. When we are in or graues, it will bee all one whether we haue liued in plenty or in penury, whether we haue dyed in a bed of downe or lockes of straw. Onely this is ye advantage of ye meane condicon, yt it is a more freedoe to dye. And ye lesse cofort any haue in ye things of this world, ye more liberty yy haue to lay vp treasure in heauen.

Obj. 4. wee may perish by ye way or when we coe there, having hunger or ye sword &c and how vncofortable will it bee to see or wives & children & friends [46]come to such miserie by or occasion?

Aunsw. Such objections savour too much of ye flesh. Who can secure himselfe or his fro ye like calamities here? If this course bee warrantable, we may trust Gods providence for these things. Either hee will keepe those evills fro vs, or will dispose ym for or good & enable vs to beare ym.

Obj. 5. But what warrant haue we to take yt land, wch is & hath bene of long tyme possessed of others ye sons of Adam?

Aunsw. That wch is como to all is proper to none. This Savage people ruleth ouer many lands wthout title or property: for yy inclose no ground, neither haue yy cattell to maintayne it, but remooue their dwellings as yy haue occasion, or as yy can prevaile agt their neighbours. And why may not Christians haue liberty to go & dwell amongst ym in their wast lands & woodds (leaving ym such places as yy haue manured for their corne) as lawfully, as Abraham did amongst ye Sodomites? For God hath giuen to ye sons of men a 2 fould right to ye earth: there is a naturall right & a civill right. The first right was naturall when men held ye earth in como, every man sowing & seeding where hee pleased: then, as men and cattell increased, yy appropriated some parcells of ground by enclosing & peculiar manurance,[47] & this in tyme got ym a civill right. Such was ye right wch Ephron ye Hittite had in ye field of Machpelah, wherein Abraham could not bury a dead corps wthout leaue, though for ye outparts of ye countrey wch lay comon, hee dwelt vpo ym & tooke ye fruit of ym at his pleasure. This appeares also in Jacob & his sons who fedd their flocks as bouldly in ye Canaanites Land for hee is said to bee Lord of ye countrey; & at Dotham and all other places men accounted nothing their owne, but yt wch yy had appropriated by their owne industry, as appeares plainly by Abimelechs servaunts, who in their owne countrey did often contend wth Isaacks servaunts about wells wch yy had digged; but neuer about ye lands wch yy occupied. So likewise betweene Jacob & Laban: hee would not take a kidd of Labans wthout speciall contract; but hee makes no bargaine wth him for ye land where yy fedd. And it is probable yt if ye countrey had not bene as free for Jacob as for Laban, yt covetous wretch would haue made his advantage of him, & haue vpbraided Jacob wth it as hee did wth ye rest. 2dly there is more then enough for ym & vs. 3dly God hath consumed ye natives wth a miraculous plague, whereby ye greater part of ye [48]countrey is left void of inhabitants. 4ly, we shall coe in wth good leaue of ye natiues.

Obj. 6. we shall send or young ones & such as may best bee spared, & not of ye best of or ministers & magistrates.

Aunsw. It is a great worke & requires more skilfull Artisans to lay ye foundacon of a new building, then to uphoald & repayre one yt is already built. If great things bee attempted by weake instrumts, ye effects will bee aunswerable.

Obj. 7. Wee see yt those plantacons yt haue bene formerly made, succeeded ill.

Aunsw. 1 The fruit of any publique designe is not to bee discerned by ye imediat successe: it may appeare in tyme, yt yy were all to good vse. 2dly, there were great fundamentall errours in others wch are like to bee avoided in this: for 1 their mayne end & purpose was carnall & not religious. 2 yy aymed chiefely at profitt & not at ye propagacon of religion. 3 yy vsed too vnfitt instrumts, a multitude of rude vngoverned persons, ye very scums of ye Land. 4 yy did not stablish a right fourme of gouernmt.

[49]

## THE AGREEMENT WITH MR. HIGGINSON

[51]

THE AGREEMT
WTH
MR. HIGGINSON

A true note of ye allowance yt ye new England Copany haue by como consent & order of their Court & Counsell graunted vnto Mr. Francis Higginson minister, for his maintenaunce in new England April 8, 1629.

IMPRIMIS yt 30li in money shall be forthwth paid him by ye Copanyes treasurer towards ye chardges of fitting himselfe wth Apparell & other necessaryes for his voyage.

2 Item yt 10li more shall be payed ouer by ye said treasurer towards ye provyding of bookes for present vse.

3 Item yt hee shall haue 30li yearly paid him for 3 yeares to beginne fro ye tyme of his first arrivall in new England[52] & so to be accounted & paid paid him at ye End of eury yeare.

4 Item yt during ye said tyme ye Company shall provide for him & his family necessaryes of diett housing & firewood; and shall be at chardges of transporting him into new England: and at ye end of ye said 3 yeares, if hee shall not like to continue there any longer, to be at ye chardge of transporting him backe for England.

5. Item yt in convenient tyme an house shall be built, & certayne lands allotted thereunto; wch during his stay in ye countrey & continuance in ye ministrey shall bee for his vse; & after his death or remoovall ye same to be for Succeeding ministers.

6. Item at ye expiracon of ye said 3 yeares an 100 acres of land shall be assigned to him & his heires for euer.

7. Item yt in case hee shall depart this lyfe in yt countrey, ye said Company shall take care for his widdow during her widdowhood & aboade in yt country and plantacon: & ye like for his children whilst yy remayne vpon ye said plantacon.

8. Item yt ye milke of 2 kyne shall bee appointed towards ye chardges of diett for him & his familye as aforesaid, &[53] halfe ye increase of calves during ye said 3 yeares: but ye said 2 kyne, and ye other halfe of ye increase to returne to ye Company at ye end of ye said 3 yeares.

9. Item yt he shall haue liberty of carrying ouer bedding, linnen, brasse, iron, pewter, of his owne for his necessary vse during ye said tyme.

10 Item yt if he continue 7 yeares upon ye said plantacon, yt then 100 acres of land more shall be allotted him for him and his for ever.

### Messrs. Higginson’s and Skelton’s Contract.[A]

The 8th of Aprill, 1629. Mr Francis Higgeson and Mr Samuel Skelton intended ministers of this plantacon, and it being thought meete to consider of their intertaynement, who expressing their willingnesse, together, also with Mr Francis Bright, being now present to doe their endevour in their places of the ministery as well in preaching, catechizing, as also in teaching, or causing to be taught, the Companyes servants & their children, as also the salvages and their children, whereby to their uttermost to further the maine end of this plantation, being, by the assistance of Allmighty God, the conversion[54] of the salvages, the proposicons concluded on wth Mr Francis Bright, the 2 of February last, were reciprocally accepted of by Mr Francis Higgison and Mr Samuel Skelton, who are in every respect to have the like condicons as Mr Bright hath, onely whereas Mr Higgeson hath 8 children it is intended that 10li more yearely shall be allowed him towards their chardge. And it is agreed that the increase of the improvement of all their grounds during the first 3 yeares shall be at the Companies disposing, who are to fynde them dyett during that time, and tenne pounds more to Mr Higgeson towards his present fitting him and his for the voyage.

Francis Higgison.
Samuel Skelton.

[55]

## A TRUE RELATION OF THE
LAST VOYAGE TO
NEW ENGLAND

[57]

A trve relacon of ye last voyage to new England, declaring all circustances wth ye maner of ye passage wee had by sea, and what maner of countrey & inhabitants we found when we came to land: & what is ye present state & condicon of ye English people yt are there already.

Faithfully recorded according to ye very truth for ye satisfaction of very many of my loving friends, who haue earnestly requested to be truly certifyed in these thinges.

Written from new England July 24, 1629.

It. any Curious Criticke yt lookes for exactnes of phrases or expert seaman yt regard propriety of sea-termes &c

[59]

A TRVE RELACON of ye last voyage to new England made ye last Sumer, begun ye 25th of April being Saturday, Anno doi 1629.

THE copany of New England consisting of many worthy gentlemen in ye citty of London, Dorcester & other places, ayming at ye glory of God, ye propagacon of ye gospell of Christ, ye conversio of ye Indians, & ye enlargemt of ye Kings maties dominions in America, & being authorised by his royall letters patents for yt end, at their very great costs & chardgs furnished 5 Ships to go to new England, for ye further setling of ye English plantacon yt yy had already begun there.

[60]

The names of ye 5 Shipps were as followeth. The first is called ye Talbot, a good & strong shipp of 300 tunnes, & 19 pieces of ordinance & served wth 30 mariners. This ship carried about an 100 planters, 6 goates, 5 great pieces of ordinaunce, wth meale, oatemeale pease, & all maner of munitio and provisio for ye plantacon for a twelve month. The second ye George, another strong ship also, about 300 tunnes, 20 pieces of ordinance, served wth about 30 mariners; her chiefe carriage were cattell, 12 mares, 30 kyne, & some goates: also ther gad in her 52 planters & other provision. The 3d is called ye Lyons whelpe, a neate & nimble ship of 120 tunnes, 8 pieces of ordinaunce, carrying in her many mariners & about 40 planters, specially fro dorcester & other places thereabouts, wth provision, and 4 goates.

The 4th is called ye 4 sisters, as I heare of about 300 tuns, wch fayre ship carried many cattell wth passengers & provision.

The 5th is called ye Mayflower, carrying passengers & provision.

Now amongst these 5 ships, ye George hauing the speciall & urgent cause of hastening her passage sett sayle before ye rest about ye midst of April. And ye 4 Sisters & ye Mayflower being not throughly furnished, intended as we heard to sett forth[61] about 3 weeks after vs: But we yt were in ye Talbot & ye Lions whelpe being ready for or voyage by ye good hand of Gods providence hoysed or sayle fro Graues end on Saturday ye 25th of April[April 25] about 7 a clocke in ye morning. Having but a faynt wynd we could not go farre ytday, but at night wee ancred against Lie wch is 12 miles fro graues end,[26] & there we rested yt night & kept Sabbath ye next day.

[27]

On monday we sat forward & came to ye flats, a passage soewhat difficult by reason of ye narrownes of ye channell & shallownes of ye water: & going ouer this wee were in soe daunger: for or ship being heavy laden & drawing deepe water was sensibly felt of vs all to strike 3 or 4 tymes on ye ground: but ye wynd blowing soewhat strong we were carried Swiftly on, & at last by Gods blessing came safe to ancre at Gorin roade.

[28]

Tewsday we went a little further, & ancred ouer agt Margret Towne, staying for a wind for ye downes.

[29]

Wednesday we came safely though wth much turning & tacking thorow ye gullies into ye downes, & stayed yt night.

[30. May 1. 2.]

Thursday, Fryday & [62]Saturday ye wind blew hard fro south west & caused or ship to daunce, & diuers of or passengers & my wiffe specially were sea sicke. Here ye Kings ship called ye Assurance pressed 2 of or mariners. Here we saw many Porpuses playing in ye sea wch yy say is a signe of fowle weather.

[May 3]

Sabbath day a windye day & could: we kept Sabbath staying still at ye downes.

[4]

Monday God sent vs a fayre gale of wind north: n: East, whereby we came merily fro ye downes: & passing Dover we saw 6 or 7 saile of dunkirkes, wafting after vs: but it seemed yy saw or copany was too strong for ym, for then wee had wth vs 3 or 4 ships yt went for ye Straits: so yy returned backe fro pursuing vs any longer. But sayling wth a good wind wee went speedily, & at night came neere ye Ile of Wight but being darke wee durst not put into ye channell, but put backe for sea roome 4 houres, & then other 4 houres sayled backe agayne ye same way.

[5]

Tewsday early in ye morning we entred ye channell ye wind being weake & calme, & passed by Portsmouth very slowly; but in ye afternoone ye wind quickened, & wee were forced to ancre a [63]little on this side Cowcastle but ye wind growing more favourable wee weighed & came to ancre again right against Cowcastle thinking to stay yt night, ye wind being very calme. Here I & my wiffe &[May] my daughter Mary & 2 maids & soe others wth vs obtained of ye mr of ye shipp to go a shoare to refresh vs & to wash or linnens, & so we lay at Cowes yt night. But ye wind turning when wee were absent, yy hoysed sayle & left vs there, & ancred 8 miles further ouer agt Yarmouth about 8 of ye clocke at night.

[6]

Wednesday betyme in ye morning ye shalope was sent fro ye shipp to fetch vs to Yarmouth; but ye water prooued rough & or weomen desired to bee sett on shoare 3 miles short of Yarmouth, & so went on foote by land & lodged in Yarmouth yt night.

[7. 8.]

On Thursday & fryday there Mr Beecher allowed by ye copany gaue mee 40s to make or provisio of what things we would for the voyage.

[9]

Saturday we went to board agayne: & this day wee had 2 other men pressed to serve ye Kings Shippe; but we got one agayne by intreaty.

[10.]

The Sabbath next day we kept ye shipp where I preached in ye morning; [64]& in ye afternoon was intreated to preach at Yarmouth, where Mr Meare & captayne Borley entertained vs very kyndly, & earnestly desyred to bee certified of or safe arrivall in new England, & of ye state of ye countrey

[11]

Monday morning blew a fayre wind fro East S: E: And ye lions whelpe having taken in all her provisio for passengers, about 3 of ye clocke in ye afternoone wee hoysed sayle for ye Needles, & by Gods guidance safely passed yt narrow passage a little after 4 a clocke in ye afternoone. And being entred into ye sea, fro ye top of ye mast we discerned 4 sayle of shipps lying southward fro vs. But night coming on wee tooke in or long[12] boate & shalope. And ye next day we had a fayre gale of Easterly wind yt brought vs towards night as farre as ye Lizzard.

[13]

Wednesday ye wind still houlding Easterly, wee came as farre as ye lands end, in ye vtmost part of Cornewall, & so left or deare natiue soile of England behind vs; & sayling about 10 leagues further we passed ye Isles of Sillie & launched ye same day a great way into ye maine ocean. And now my wiffe & other passengers began to feele ye tossing waues of ye westerne sea, & so were very sea-sicke.

[65]

And this is to be noted, yt all this while or passage hath bene vpo ye coast of England, & so ought truly to be accounted ye first day of or parting wth ould England.

[14]

Thursday ye same Easterly wind blew all day & night; & ye next[15] [May] day; so yt soe of ye seamen thought we were coe by this tyme 100 leagues fro England, but toward night ye wind was calme.

[16]

Saturday we were becalmed all day. This day met vs a little shipp of Bristoll yt came fro Christopher Ilands.

[17.]

Sabath being ye first Lords day we held at sea was very calme, especially in the morning, but we were disturbed in or morning Service by ye approach of a Biskaniers shippe, a man of warre, yt made towards vs, & manned out his boate to viewe vs: But fynding vs too strong for him he durst not venture to assault vs, but made off.

This day my 2 children Samuel & Mary began to be sicke of ye small-pockes & purples together, wch was brought into ye ship by one Mr Browne wch was sicke of ye same at Graues End, who it pleased God to make ye first occasio of bringing yt contagious sicknes among vs, wherewth many were after afflicted.

[66]

[18.]

Monday calme still, ye wind being no: w: blowing a little towards euening, but contrary to or course.

[19.]

Tewsday wind so: w: as little helpfull as ye former & blowing uery weake. This day ye mr of or ship, my selfe & another went aboard the Lions whelpe, where Mr Gibs made vs welcoe wth bountifull entertaynemt. And this day towards night my daughter grew sicker & many blew Spots were seene vpo her breast, wch affrighted vs. At ye first wee thought yy had bene ye plague tokens; but we found afterwards yt it was onely an high measure of ye infectio of ye pockes, wch were strucke agayne into ye child, & so it was Gods will ye child dyed about 5 of ye clocke at night, being ye first in or shipp yt was buried in the bowells of ye great Atlanticke Sea; wch as it was a griefe to vs her parents, & a sorrow to all ye rest as being ye beginning of a contagious disease & mortality: so in ye same judgemt it pleased God to remember mercy in ye child, in freeing it fro a world of misery wherein otherwise shee had liued all her daies. For being about 4 yeares ould a yeare since, wee know not by what meanes, sweyed in ye backe, so yt it was broken & grew [67]crooked, & ye joynts of her hipps were loosed & her knees went crooked pittifull to see. Since wch tyme shee hath had a most lamentable payne in her belly, & would oft times cry out in ye day & in her sleep also my belly, wch declared soe extraordinary distemper. So yt in respect of her wee had cause to take her death as a blessing fro ye Lord to shorten her miserie.

[May 20]

Wednesday a wett morning, ye wind was W: S: W: & in ye afternoone N: W: & by W: both being contrary to or course, wch was to saile W: & by S: Thus it pleased god to lay his hand vpo vs by sicknes & death & contrary winds; & stirred vp soe of vs to make ye moton of humbling or selves vnder ye hand of God by keeping a solemne day of fasting & prayer unto God, to beseech him to remooue ye continuance & further increase of these evills fro vs. wch was willingly condescended vnto as a duty very fitting & needfull for or present state and condicon.

[21]

Thursday, there being 2 ministers in ye ship, Mr Smith & my selfe, we endevoured together wth others to consecrate ye day as a solemne fasting & humiliacon to almighty God, as a furtheraunce [68]of or present worke. And it pleased God ye ship was becalmed all day, so yt we were freed fro any encumbraunce: And as soone as we had done prayers, see & behould ye goodnes of god, about 7 a clocke at night ye wind turned to n: e: & we had a fayre gale yt night as a manifest evidence of ye Lords hearing or prayers. I heard soe of ye mariners say, yy thought this was ye first sea-fast yt euer was kept, & yt yy neuer heard of ye like perfourmed at sea before.

[22.]
[May]

Fryday ye wind fayre, & east northerly, & for or purpose for new England. it did blow strongly & carried vs on amayne wth tossing waues, wch did affright ym yt were not wonted to such sights.

[23.]

Saturday ye same wind blowing but more gently. Now we were coforted wth hope of my sonne Samuels recovery of ye pockes.

[24.]

The 2 Lords day, a fayre day, an orderly wind & prosperous.

[25]

On Monday a fayre frummegale, ye wind South S: W:

[26.]

Tewsday about 10 of ye clocke in ye morning, whilest we were at prayers a strong and sudden blast came fro ye north, yt hoysed vp ye waues & tossed vs more then euer before & held vs [69]all yt day till towards night & then abated by little & little till it was calme. This day Mr Goffes great dogg fell ouer board & could not be recouered.

[27.]

Wednesday, ye wind still no: & calme in ye morning, but about noone there arose a So: wind, wch encreased more & more, so yt it seemed to vs yt are land men a sore & terrible storme; for ye wind blew mightily, ye rayne fell vehemently, ye sea roared & ye waues tossed vs horribly; besides it was fearfull darke & ye mariners maid was afraid; & noyse on the other side wth their running here & there, lowd crying one to another to pull at this & yt rope. The[May 27] waues powred ymselues ouer ye shippe yt ye 2 boates were filled wth water, yt yy were fayne to strike holes in ye midst of ym to let ye water out. Yea by ye violence of ye waues ye long boate coard wch held it was broken, & it had like to haue bene washed ouerboard, had not ye mariners wth much payne & daunger recouered ye same. But this lasted not many houres; after which it became a calmish day. All wch while I lay close & warme in my cabine, but farre fro hauing list to sleepe wth Jonah; my thoughts were otherwise employed as ye tyme & place required. Then I saw [70]ye truth of ye Scripture Psal. 107, fro ye 23 to ye 32. And my feare at this tyme was ye lesse, when I rememberd what a loving friend of myne, a minister accustomed to sea stormes said to mee yt I might not be dismayed at such stormes, for yy were ordinary at seas, & it seeldome falls out yt a shipp perisheth at storms if it haue sea-roome, wch I ye rather wryte yt others as well as my selfe by ye knowledge hereof may be encouraged & prepared agt these ordinary sea-stormes.

[28 29]
[30]

Thursday So: wind: calme at night: On fryday a boistrous wind blowing crosse, but was allayed towards night wth a showre of rayne. Saturday So: w: wind, but faire & quiett.

[May 31]

Sabbath day being ye 3 Lords day, fayre & calme; wee saw abundance of grampas fishes, 2 or 3 yards long, & a body as bigg as an oxe.

[June 1]

Monday ye wind westerly & calme: but besides or being stayed by contrary winds we began to fynd ye temperature of ye ayre to alter & to become more soletry & subject to vnwholsome foggs. For coming now to ye height of ye westerne Islands, soe of or men fell sicke of ye scuruie & others [71]of the small pockes, wch more & more increased: yet thankes be to God none dyed of it but my owne child mencond. And therefore, according to or great need we appointed another fast for the next day.

[2.]

Tewsday we solemnely celebrate another fast. The Lord yt day heard vs before wee prayed & gaue vs aunswere before we called; for early in ye morning ye wind turned full East, being as fitt a wind as could blowe. And sitting at my study on ye shipps poope I saw many bonny fishes & porpuses pursuing one another, and leaping soe of ym a yard aboue ye water. Also as we were at prayer, vnder ye hatch, soe yt were aboue saw a whale puffing vp water not farre fro ye shippe. Now my wiffe was prettily well recouered of her sea sicknesse.

[3.]
[June]

Wednesday a fayre day & fyne gale of full East wind. This day my selfe & others saw a large round fish sayling by ye ships side about a yard in length & roundnes euery way. The mariners cald it a sunne fish; it spreadeth out ye finnes like beames on euery side 4, or 5.

[4, 5.]

Thursday & fryday ye wind full E: we were carried wth admiracon on or journey. By this wee were more then halfe way to new England. This day[72] I saw a fish very straunge to mee, yy call it a caruell; wch came by ye ship side wafting along ye top of ye water. it appeared at ye first like a bubble aboue the water as bigg as a mans fist, but ye fish it selfe is about ye bignes of a mans thum, so yt ye fish it selfe & ye bubble resembleth a shipp wth sailes, wch therefore is called a caruell.

[6 7]
[8]

Saturday wind direct E: still. The 4 Sabb: we kept at sea the wind full full Easterly till noone, & then it came full So: E: a strong gale yt night & ye next day till night.

[9]

Tewsday ye same wind held till 9 a clock in ye morning: & then a great showre wch lasted till about 7 at night, & then it was a very calme. There we sounded wth a dipled lyne aboue 100th fadome & found no bottome. This day we saw a fish called a turkle, a great & large shell fish swiming aboue ye water neere ye shippe.

[10]

Wednesday wind northerly a fyne gale but calmish in ye afternoone.

[11 June]

Thursday ye wind at no: an easye gale & fayre morning we saw a mountayne of Ice shyning as white as snow like to a great rocke or clift on ye shoare. it stood still & therefore we thought it to be on ground & to[73] reach ye bottome of ye sea. For though there came a mighty streame fro ye no: yet it mooued not, wch made vs sound, & we found a banke of 40 fathom deepe whereupo we judged it to rest: & ye height aboue was as much. Wee also saw 6 or 7 pieces of Ice, floating on ye sea, wch was broken off fro ye former mountayne, we also saw great store of water fowle swiming by ye shipp wthin musket shott, of a pyde colour & about ye bignes of a wild ducke, about 40 in a copany, the mariners call ym hag birds. Toward night came a fogge, yt ye lions whelp was lost till morning. And now we saw many bony toes porpuses and grampases every day more & more.

[12]

Fryday foggie & calmish, ye wind northerly in ye morning, but about noone it came S: E: a dainty loome gale wch carried vs 6 leagues a watch.

[13]

Saturday ye same wind till night, & we saw great store of porpuses & grampases.

[14]

The 5th Sabbath, ye same wind, towards noone it began to be foggie, & then it rained till night we went 4 or 5 leagues a watch.

[June 15]

Monday a fayre day but foggie, ye same wind blowing [74]but wth fresh gale carryed vs 7 leagues a watch. In ye afternoone it blew harder, so ye sea was rough, & we lost ye sight of ye lions whelpe: it being foggie we drumed for ym & yy shot off a great piece of ordinance but we feared not one another.

[16]

Tewsday wind So: & by E: foggie till about 10 a clocke while we were at prayers it cleared vp about an houre, & then we saw ye lions whelpe distant about 2 leagues southward. wee presently tackt about to meet her & shee did ye same to meete vs, but before we could get together a thick fogge came, yt we were long in fynding each other. This day we sounded divers tymes, & found orselves on another banke, at first 40 fathom, after 36. after 33. after 24. wee thought it to haue bene ye banke ouer agt chap Sable, but we were deceiued, for we knew not certainly where we were because of ye fogge. After 3 or 4 houres copany we lost ye lions whelpe agayne: & beate or drume & shot off a great piece of ordinaunce & yet heard not of ym. But perceiuing ye banke to grow still yt shallower we found it 27 & 24 fathoms. Therefore being a fogg & fearing wee were too neere land we tackt about for sea roome for 2 or 3 watches, & steered Southeast.

[75]

[17]

Wednesday very foggie still & wind S: and by w: & sounding found no bottome yt we could reach.

[18]

Thursday wind full w: & contrary to vs. This day a notorious wicked fellow yt was giuen to swearing & boasting of his former wickednes bragged yt hee had got a wench wth child before hee came this voyage & mocked at or daies of fast railing & jesting agt puritans, this fellow fell sicke of ye pockes & dyed. Wee sounded and found 38 fathom, & stayed for a little to take soe codfish & feasted orselves merily.

[19]

Fryday wind west still, a very fayre cleare day. About 4 a clock in ye afternoone soe went vp to ye top of ye mast, & affirmed to or great cofort yy saw land to ye north eastward.

[20]

Saturday wind So: w: a fayre gale: we sounded & found 40, 30, 22, & a little after no ground.

[21]

Sabb: being ye 6th Lords day; wind westerly but fayre & calme.

[22]

Monday wind Easterly a fayre gale. This day wee saw a great deale of froth not farre fro vs: wee feared it might bee soe breach of water agt some new qvote.[2] Therefore ye mr of or shipp hoised out ye shalop & went wth soe of ye men to see what it was; but found it onely to bee a[76] froath carried by ye streame.

[June 23]

Tewsday ye wind n: E: a fayre gale. This day we examined 5 beastly Sodomiticall boyes, wch confessed their wickednes not to bee named. The fact was so fowle wee referred ym to bee punished by ye governor when we came to new England, who afterward sent ym backe to ye copany to bee punished in ould England as ye crime deserued.

[24]

Wednesday wind no: E: a fayre day & cleare: about 9 a clocke in ye morning we espied a shipp about 4 leagues behind vs; wch prooued ye lions whelpe, wch had bene a weeke separated fro vs. we stayed for [blot (her)] copany. This day a child of goodman Blacke wch had a cosumpcon before it came to shipp, dyed. This day we had all a cleare & cofortable sight of America, & of ye Chap Sable yt was ouer agt vs 7 or 8 leagues northward. Here we saw yellow gilliflowers on ye sea.

[25]

Thursday wind still no: Ea: a full & fresh gale. In ye after noone wee had a cleare sight of many Islands & hills by ye sea shoare. Now we saw abundaunce of makrill, a great store of great whales puffing vp water as yy goe, soe of ym came neere or shipp: their greatnes did [77]astonish vs yt saw ym not before: their backs appeared like a little Island. At 5 a clock at[3] night the wind turned S. E. a fayre gale. This day we caught mackrill.

[26]

Fryday a foggie morning, but after cleare and wind calme. We saw many scools of mackrill, infinite multitudes on every side our ship. The sea was abundantly stored with rockweed and yellow flowers like gilly-flowers. By noon we were within 3 leagues of Capan, and as we sayled along the coasts we saw every hill and dale and every island full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to the shoare the more flowers in abundance, sometymes scattered abroad, sometymes joyned in sheets 9 or 10 yards long, which we supposed to be brought from the low meadowes by the tyde. Now what with fine woods and greene trees by land, and these yellow flowers paynting the sea, made us all desirous to see our new paradise of New England, whence we saw such forerunning signals of fertilitie afarre off. Coming neare the harbour towards night we takt about for sea-roome.

[27]

Saturday a foggie morning; but after 8 o’clocke in the morning very cleare, the wind being somewhat contrary at So. and by West, we tackt to and againe with getting little; but with much adoe, about 4 o’clock in the afternoone, having[78] with much payne compassed the harbour, and being ready to enter the same, see how things may suddenly change! there came a fearfull gust of wind and rayne and thunder and lightning, whereby we were borne with no little terrour and trouble to our mariners, having very much adoe to loose downe the sayles when the fury of the storme held up. But God be praised it lasted but a while and soone abated agayne. And hereby the Lord shewed us what he could have done with us, if it had pleased him. But blessed be God, he soone removed this storme and it was a fayre and sweet evening.

We had a westerly wind which brought us between 5 and 6 o’clock to a fyne and sweet harbour,[4] 7 miles from the head point of Capan. This harbour 20 ships may easily ryde therein, where there was an island whither four of our men with a boate went, and brought backe agayne ripe strawberries and gooseberries, and sweet single roses. Thus God was merciful to us in giving us a tast and smell of the sweet fruit as an earnest of his bountiful goodnes to welcome us at our first arrivall. This harbour was two leagues and something more from the harbour at Naimkecke, where our ships were to rest, and the plantation is already begun. But[79] because the passage is difficult and night drew on, we put into Capan harbour.

[28]

The Sabbath, being the first we kept in America, and the 7th Lord’s day after we parted with England.

[29]

Monday we came from Capan, to go to Naimkecke, the wind northerly. I should have tould you before that the planters spying our English colours the Governour sent a shalop with 2 men on Saturday to pilot us. These rested the Sabbath with us at Capan; and this day, by God’s blessing and their directions, we passed the curious and difficult entrance into the large spacious harbour of Naimkecke. And as we passed along it was wonderful to behould so many islands replenished with thicke wood and high trees, and many fayre greene pastures. And being come into the harbour we saw the George to our great comfort then being come on Tuesday which was 7 daies before us. We rested that night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to our long and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world.

[30]

The next morning the governour came aboard to our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wiffe to come on shoare, and take our[80] lodging in his house, which we did accordingly.

Thus you have a faithful report collected from day to day of all the particulars that were worth noting in our passage.

Now in our passage divers things are remarkeable.

First, through God’s blessing our passage was short and speedy, for whereas we had 1000 leagues, that is 3000 miles English, to saile from Ould to New England, we performed the same in 6 weeks and 3 dayes.

Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easie for the most part, having ordinarily fayre and moderate wind, and being freed for the most part from stormie and rough seas, saving one night only, which we that were not used thought to be more terrible than indeed it was, and this was Wednesday at night May 27th.

Thirdly, our passage was also healthfull to our passengers, being freed from the great contagion of the scurvie and other maledictions, which in other passages to other places had taken away the[81] lives of many. And yet we were in all reason in wonderful danger all the way, our ship being greatly crowded with passengers; but through God’s great goodness we had none that died of the pockes but that wicked fellow that scorned at fasting and prayer. There were indeed 2 little children, one of my owne and another beside; but I do not impute it meerely to the passage; for they were both very sickly children, and not likely to have lived long, if they had not gone to sea. And take this for a rule, if children be healthfull when they come to sea, the younger they are the better they will endure the sea, and are not troubled with sea-sicknes as older people are, as we had experience in many children that went this voyage. My wiffe indeed, in tossing weather, was something ill by vomiting, but in calme weather she recovered agayne, and is now much better for the sea sicknes. And for my owne part, whereas I have for divers yeares past been very sickly and ready to cast up whatsoever I have eaten, and was very sicke at London and Gravesend, yet from the tyme I came on shipboard to this day, I have been straungely healthfull. And now I can digest our ship diett very well, which I could not when I was at land.[82] And indeed in this regard I have great cause to give God praise, that he hath made my coming to be a method to cure me of a wonderful weake stomacke and continual payne of melancholly wynd from the splene: Also divers children were sicke of the small pockes, but are safely recovered agayne, and 2 or 3 passengers towards the latter end of the voyage fell sicke of the scurvie, but coming to land recovered in a short tyme.

Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable and profitable. For we received instruction and delight in behoulding the wonders of the Lord in the deepe waters, and sometimes seeing the sea round us appearing with a terrible countenance, and as it were full of high hills and deepe vallyes; and sometimes it appeared as a most plain and even meadow. And ever and anon we saw divers kynds of fishes sporting in the great waters, great grampuses and huge whales going by companies and puffing up water-streames. Those that love their owne chimney corner, and dare not go farre beyond their owne townes end shall neever have the honour to see these wonderfull workes of Almighty God.

Fifthly, we had a pious and christian-like passage; for I suppose passengers shall[83] seldom find a company of more religious, honest and kynd seamen than we had. We constantly served God morning and evening by reading and expounding a chapter, singing, and prayer. And the Sabbath was solemnely kept by adding to the former, preaching twise and catechising. And in our great need we kept 2 solemne fasts, and found a gracious effect. Let all that love and use fasting and praying take notise that it is as prevaileable by sea as by land, wheresoever it is faithfully performed. Besides the ship master and his company used every night to sett their 8 and 12 a clocke watches with singing a psalme and prayer that was not read out of a booke. This I wryte not for boasting and flattery; but for the benefit of those that have a mynd to come to New England hereafter, that if they looke for and desyre to have as prosperous a voyage as we had, they may use the same meanes to attayne the same. So letting passe our passage by sea, we will now bring our discourse to land on the shoare of New England, and I shall by God’s assistance endeavour to speake nothing but the naked truth, and both acquaint you with the commodities and discommodities of the country.

[85]

## NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION
&c.

[87]

NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION

OR,

A SHORT AND TRVE
DESCRIPTION OF THE
COMMODITIES AND
DISCOMMODITIES
of that Countrey.

Written by Mr Higgeson, a reuerend
Diuine now there resident.

Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by
Mr Graues an Enginere, out of New England.

The third Edition, enlarged.

LONDON.
Printed by T. and R. Cotes for Michael Sparke,
dwelling at the Signe of the Blue Bible in
Greene-Arbor, 1630.

[88]

To the Reader.

REader, doe not disdaine to reade this Relation: and looke not here to haue a large Gate and no building within: a full-stuffed Tittle with no matter in the Booke: But here reade the truth, and that thou shalt find without any frothy bumbasting words, or any quaint new-deuised additions, onely as it was written (not intended for the Presse) by a reuerend Diuine now there liuing, who onely sent it to some Friends here, which were desirous of his Relations; which is an Epitomy of their proceedings in the Plantation. And for thy part if thou meanest to be no Planter nor Venturer doe but lend thy good Prayers for the furtherance of it. And so I rest a Well-Wisher to all the good designes both of them which are gone, and of them that are to goe.

M. S.

[89]

NEW-ENGLANDS
PLANTATION.

LEtting passe our Voyage by Sea, we will now begin our discourse on the shore of New-England. And because the life and wel-fare of euery Creature heere below, and the commodiousnesse of the Countrey whereas such Creatures liue, doth by the most wise ordering of Gods prouidence, depend next vnto himselfe, vpon the temperature and disposition of the foure Elements, Earth, Water, Aire, and Fire (For as of the mixture of all these, all sublunary things are composed; so by the more or lesse injoyment of the wholesome temper and conuenient vse of these, consisteth the onely well-being both of Man and Beast in a more or lesse comfortable measure in all Countreys vnder the Heauens) Therefore I will indeauour to shew you what New-England is by the consideration of each of these apart, and[90] truly indeauour by Gods helpe to report nothing but the naked truth, and that both to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the commodities, though as the idle Prouerbe is, Trauellers may lye by autoritie, and so may take too much sinfull libertie that way. Yet I may say of my selfe as once Nehemiah did in another case: Shall such a Man as I lye? No verily: It becommeth not a Preacher of Truth to be a Writer of Falshod in any degree: and therefore I haue beene carefull to report nothing of new England but what I haue partly seene with mine owne Eyes, and partly heard and inquired from the mouths of verie honest and religious persons, who by liuing in the Countrey a good space of time haue had experience and knowledge of the state thereof, & whose testimonies I doe beleeue as my selfe.

First therefore of the Earth of New-England and all the appertenances thereof: It is a Land of diuers and sundry sorts all about Masathulets Bay, and at Charles Riuer is as fat blacke Earth as can be seene any where: and in other places you haue a clay soyle, in other grauell, in other sandy, as it is all about our Plantation at Salem, for so our Towne is now named, Psal. 76. 2.

[91]

The forme of the Earth here in the superficies of it is neither too flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in Hils, but partakes of both in a mediocritie, and fit for Pasture, or for Plow or meddow ground, as Men please to employ it: though all the Countrey bee as it were a thicke Wood for the generall, yet in diuers places there is much ground cleared by the Indians, and especially about the Plantation: and I am told that about three miles from vs a Man may stand on a little hilly place and see diuers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a Tree in the same. It is thought here is good Clay to make Bricke and Tyles and Earthen-Pot as need to be. At this instant we are setting a Bricke-Kill on worke to make Brickes and Tyles for the building of our Houses. For Stone, here is plentie of Slates at the Ile of Slate in Masathulets Bay, and Lime-stone, Free-stone, and Smooth-stone, and Iron-stone, and Marble-stone also in such store, that we haue great Rocks of it, and a Harbour hard by. Our Plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.

Of Minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made, yet we are not without great hope of being furnished in that Soyle.

[92]

The fertilitie of the Soyle is to be admired at, as appeareth in the aboundance of Grasse that groweth euerie where both verie thicke, verie long, and verie high in diuers places: but it groweth verie wildly with a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because it neuer had been eaten with Cattle, nor mowed with a Sythe, and seldome trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be beleeued how our Kine and Goats, Horses and Hogges doe thriue and prosper here and like well of this Countrey.

In our Plantation we haue already a quart of Milke for a penny: but the aboundant encrease of Corne proues this Countrey to bee a wonderment. Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here: yea Joseph’s encrease in Ægyt is out-stript here with vs. Our planters hope to haue more then a hundred fould this yere: and all this while I am within compasse; what will you say of two hundred fould and vpwards? It is almost incredible what great gaine some of our English Planters haue had by our Indian Corne. Credible persons haue assured me, and the partie himselfe auouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of 13 gallons of Corne hee hath had encrease of it 52 Hogsheads, euery Hogshead holding seuen Bushels[93] of London measure, and euery Bushell was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much Beauer as was worth 18 shillings; and so of this 13 Gallons of Corne which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made about 327 pounds of it in the yeere following, as by reckoning will appeare: where you may see how God blessed husbandry in this Land. There is not such greate and plentifull eares of Corne I suppose any where else to bee found but in this Country: because also of varietie of colours, as red, blew, and yellow, &c. and of one Corne there springeth foure or fiue hundred. I haue sent you many Eares of diuers colours that you might see the truth of it.

Little Children here by setting of Corne may earne much more then their owne maintenance.

They haue tryed our English Corne at new Plimmouth Plantation, so that all our seuerall Graines will grow here verie well, and haue a fitting Soyle for their nature.

Our Gouernor hath store of greene pease growing in his garden as good as euer I eat in England.

This Countrey aboundeth naturally with store of rootes of great varietie and good to eat. Our Turnips, Parsnips and Carrots are here both bigger and sweeter[94] then is ordinarily to bee found in England. Here are store of Pumpions, Cowcombers, and other things of that nature which I know not. Also diuers excellent Pot-herbs grow abundantly among the Grasse, as Strawberrie leaues in all places of the Countrey, and plentie of strawberries in their time, and Penyroyall, Wintersauerie, Sorrell, Brookelime, Liuerwort, Caruell and Watercresses, also Leekes and Onions are ordinarie, and diuers Physicall Herbs. Here are also aboundance of other sweet Hearbs delightfull to the smell, whose names we know not, &c. and plentie of single Damaske Roses verie sweete; and two kinds of Herbes that beare two kinds of Flowers very sweet, which they say, are as good to make Cordage or Cloath as any Hempe or Flaxe we haue.

Excellent Vines are here vp and downe in the Woodes. Our Gouernour hath already planted a Vineyard with great hope of encrease.

Also, Mulberries, Plums, Raspberries, Corrance, Chesnuts, Filberds, Walnuts, Smalnuts, Hurtleberies, & Hawes of Whitethorne neere as good as our Cherries in England, they grow in plentie here.

For Wood there is no better in the World I thinke, here being foure sorts[95] of Oke differing both in the Leafe, Timber, and Colour, all excellent good. There is also good Ash, Elme, Willow, Birch, Beech, Saxafras, Juniper, Cipres, Cedar, Spruce, Pines, & Firre that will yeeld abundance of Turpentine, Pitch, Tarre, Masts and other materials for building both of Ships and Houses. Also here are store of Sumacke Trees, they are good for dying and tanning of Leather, likewise such trees yeeld a precious Gem called Wine Benjamen, that they say is excellent for perfumes. Also here be diuers Roots and Berries wherewith the Indians dye excellent holding colours that no raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee haue materials to make Sope-Ashes and Salt-Peter in aboundance.

For Beasts there are some Beares, and they say some Lyons also; for they haue been seen at Cape Anne. Also here are seuerall sorts of Deere, some whereof bring three or foure young ones at once, which is not ordinarie in England. Also Wolues, Foxes, Beauers, Otters, Martins, great wild Cats, & a great Beast called a Molke as bigge as an Oxe. I haue seen the Skins of all these Beasts since I came to this Plantation excepting Lyons. Also here are great store of squerrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser:[96] there are some of the lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certaine Skill will fly from Tree to Tree though they stand farre distant.

### Of the Waters of New-England, with the
things belonging to the same.

New-England hath Water enough both salt and fresh, the greatest Sea in the World, the Atlanticke Sea runs all along the Coast thereof. There are abundance of Ilands along the Shore, some full of Wood and Mast to feed Swine; and others cleere of Wood, and fruitfull to beare Corne. Also wee haue store of excellent harbours for Ships, as at Cape Anne, and at Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many other places: and they are the better because for Strangers there is a verie difficult and dangerous passage into them, but vnto such as are well acquainted with them, they are easie and safe enough. The aboundance of Sea-Fish are almost beyond beleeuing, and sure I should scarce haue beleeued it, except I had seene it with mine owne Eyes. I saw great store of Whales, and Crampusse, and such aboundance of Mackerils that it would astonish one to behold, likewise Cod-Fish in aboundance[97] on the Coast, and in their season are plentifully taken. There is a Fish called a Basse, a most sweet & wholesome Fish as euer I did eate, it is altogether as good as our fresh Sammon, and the season of their comming was begun when wee came first to New-England in June, and so continued about three months space. Of this Fish our Fishers take many hundreds together, which I haue seene lying on the shore to my admiration; yea their Nets ordinarily take more then they are able to hale to Land, and for want of Boats and Men they are constrained to let a many goe after they haue taken them, and yet sometimes they fill two Boates at a time with them. And besides Basse wee take plentie of Scate and Thornbacks, and abundance of Lobsters, and the least Boy in the Plantation may both catch and eat what he will of them. For my owne part I was soone cloyed with them, they were so great, and fat, and lussious. I haue seene some my selfe that haue weighed 16 pound, but others haue had diuers times so great Lobsters as haue weighed 25 pound, as they assure mee. Also heere is abundance of Herring, Turbut, Sturgion, Cuskes, Hadocks, Mullets, Eeles, Crabbes, Muskles and Oysters. Besides there is probability that the[98] Countrey is of an excellent temper for the making of Salt: for since our comming our Fishermen haue brought home very good Salt which they found candied by the standing of the Sea water and the heat of the Sunne, vpon a Rocke by the Sea shore: and in diuers salt Marishes that some haue gone through, they haue found some Salt in some places crushing vnder their Feete and cleauing to their Shooes.

And as for fresh Water the Countrey is full of dainty Springs, and some great Riuers, and some lesser Brookes; and at Masathulets Bay they digged Wels and found Water at three Foot deepe in most places: and neere Salem they haue as fine cleare Water as we can desire, and we may digge Wels and find Water where we list.

Thus wee see both Land and Sea abound with store of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of Man’s life in New-England.

### Of the Aire of New-England with the
temper and Creatures in it.

The Temper of the Aire of New-England is one speciall thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest[99] that there is hardly a more healthfull place to be found in the World that agreeth better with our English bodyes. Many that haue beene weake and sickly in old England, by comming hither haue beene thoroughly healed and growne healthfull strong. For here is an extraordinarie cleere and dry Aire that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of a Cold, Melancholy, Flegmatick, Rheumatick temper of Body. None can more truly speake hereof by their owne experience then my selfe. My Friends that knew me can well tell how verie sickly I haue bin and continually in Physick, being much troubled with a tormenting paine through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my Stomacke, and aboundance of Melancholicke humors; but since I came hither on this Voyage, I thanke God, I haue had perfect health, and freed from paine and vomiting, hauing a Stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest fare, who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my Stomacke could onely digest and did require such drinke as was both strong and stale, now I can and doe often times drink New-England water verie well; and I that haue not gone without a Cap for many yeeres together, neither durst leaue off[100] the same, haue now cast away my Cap, and doe weare none at all in the day time: and whereas beforetime I cloathed my selfe with double cloathes and thicke Wastcoates to keepe me warme, euen in the Summer time, I doe now goe as thin clad as any, onely wearing a light Stuffe Cassocke vpon my Shirt, and Stuffe Breeches of one thicknesse without Linings. Besides I haue one of my Children that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the King’s-euill, but since he came hither hee is very well ouer he was, and there is hope of perfect recouerie shortly euen by the very wholesomnesse of the Aire, altering, digesting and drying vp the cold and crude humours of the Body: and therefore I thinke it is a wise course for al cold complections to come to take Physick in New England: for a sup of New-England’s Aire is better then a whole draught of old England’s Ale. In the Summer time in the midst of July and August, it is a good deale hotter then in old England: and in Winter January and February are much colder as they say: but the Spring and Autumne are of a middle temper.

Fowles of the Aire are plentifull here, and of all sorts as we haue in England as[101] farre as I can learne, and a great many of strange Fowles which wee know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of our Men brought home an Eagle which hee had killed in the Wood: they say they are good meate. Also here are many kinds of excellent Hawkes, both Sea Hawkes & Land Hawkes: and my selfe walking in the Woods with another in company, sprung a Partridge so bigge that through the heauinesse of his Body could fly but a little way: they that haue killed them, say they are as bigge as our Hens. Here are likewise aboundance of Turkies often killed in the Woods, farre greater then our English Turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet and fleshy, for here they haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere long, as Strawberries, in Summer all places are full of them, and all manner of Berries and Fruits. In the Winter time I haue seene Flockes of Pidgeons, and haue eaten of them: they doe fly from Tree to Tree as other Birds doe, which our Pidgeons will not doe in England: they are of all colours as ours are, but their wings and tayles are far longer, and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible Hawkes in this Country. In Winter time this Country doth abound with wild Geese, wild Duckes, and other Sea Fowle,[102] that a great part of winter the Planters haue eaten nothing but roast meate of diuers Fowles which they haue killed.

Thus you haue heard of the Earth, Water and Aire of New-England, now it may bee you expect something to bee said of the Fire proportionable to the rest of the Elements. Indeede I thinke New-England, may boast of this Element more then of all the rest: for though it bee here somewhat cold in the winter, yet here we haue plenty of Fire to warme vs, and that a great deale cheaper then they sel Billets and Faggots in London: nay, all Europe is not able to afford to make so great Fires as New-England. A poore seruant here that is to possesse but 50 Acres of Land, may afford to giue more wood for Timber & Fire as good as the world yeelds, then many Noble men in England can afford to do. Here is good liuing for those that loue good Fires. And although New-England haue no Tallow to make Candles of, yet by the aboundance of the Fish thereof, it can afford Oyle for Lampes. Yea our Pine-Trees that are the most plentifull of all wood, doth allow vs plenty of Candles which are very vsefull in a House: and they are such Candles as the Indians commonly vse, hauing no other, and they are nothing else but the wood of[103] the Pine Tree clouen in two little slices something thin, which are so full of the moysture of Turpentine and Pitch, that they burne as cleere as a Torch. I haue sent you some of them that you may see the experience of them.

Thus of New-England’s commodities, now I will tell you of some discommodities that are here to be found.

First, in the Summer season for these three months, June, July, and August, we are troubled much with little Flyes called Musketoes, being the same they are troubled with in Lincolneshiere and the Fens: and they are nothing but Gnats, which except they bee smoked out of their houses are troublesome in the night season.

Secondly, in the Winter season for two months space, the earth is commonly couered with Snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting Frosts, something more sharpe then is in old England, and therefore are forced to make great Fires.

Thirdly, the countrey being very full of Woods, and Wildernesses, doth also much abound with Snakes and Serpents of strange colours, and huge greatnesse: yea there are some Serpents called Rattlesnakes that haue Rattles in their Tailes, that will not fly from a man as others will,[104] but will flye vpon him and sting him so mortally, that hee will dye within a quarter of an houre after, except the partie stinged haue about him some of the root of an Hearbe called Snake-weed to bite on, and then hee shall receiue no harme: but yet seldome falles it out that any hurt is done by these. About three yeares since, an Indian was stung to death by one of them, but wee heard of none since that time.

Fourthly and lastly, Here wants as it were good company of honest Christians to bring with them Horses, Kine and Sheepe to make vse of this fruitfull Land: great pitty it is to see so much good ground for Corne & for Grasse as any is vnder the Heauens, to ly altogether vnoccupied, when so many honest Men and their Families in old England through the populousnesse thereof, do make very hard shift to liue one by the other.

Now, thus you know what New-England is, as also with the commodities and discommodities thereof: now I will shew you a little of the Inhabitants thereof, and their gouernment.

For their Gouernors they haue Kings, which they call Saggamores, some greater, and some lesser, according to the number[105] of their Subjects.

The greatest Saggamores about vs can not make aboue three hundred Men, and other lesse Saggamores haue not aboue fifteene Subjects, and others neere about vs but two.

Their Subjects aboue twelue yeares since were swept away by a great & grieuous Plague that was amongst them, so that there are verie few left to inhabite the Country.

The Indians are not able to make vse of the one fourth part of the Land, neither haue they any setled places, as Townes to dwell in, nor any ground as they challenge for their owne possession, but change their habitation from place to place.

For their Statures, they are a tall and strong limmed People, their colours are tawny, they goe naked, saue onely they are in part couered with Beasts Skins on one of their shoulders, and weare something before their priuities: their Haire is generally blacke, and cut before like our Gentelewomen, and one locke longer then the rest, much like to our Gentelmen, which fashion I thinke came from hence into England.

For their weapons, they haue Bows and Arrowes, some of them headed with Bone, and some with Brasse: I haue sent[106] you some of them for an example.

The Men for the most part liue idely, they doe nothing but hunt and fish: their wiues set their Corne and doe all their other worke. They haue little Houshold stuffe, as a kettle, and some other Vessels like Trayes, Spoones, Dishes and Baskets.

Their Houses are verie little and homely, being made with small Poles pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastned at the tops, and on the sides they are matted with Boughes and couered on the Roofe with Sedge and old Mats, and for their beds that they take their rest on, they haue a Mat.

They doe generally professe to like well of our comming and planting here; partly because there is abundance of ground that they cannot possesse nor make vse of, and partly because our being heere will bee a meanes both of reliefe to them when they want, and also a defence from their Enemies, wherewith (I say) before this Plantation began, they were often indangered.

For their religion, they doe worship two Gods, a good God and an euill God: the good God they call Tantum, and their euill God whom they feare will doe them hurt, they call Squantum.

[107]

For their dealing with vs, we neither feare them nor trust them, for fourtie of our Musketeeres will driue fiue hundred of them out of the Field. We vse them kindly, they will come into our Houses sometimes by halfe a douzen or halfe a score at a time when we are at victuals, but will aske or take nothing but what we giue them.

We purpose to learne their language as soone as we can, which will be a meanes to do them good.

### Of the present condition of the Plantation,
and what it is.

When we came first to Nehumkek, we found about halfe a score Houses, and a faire House newly built for the Gouernor, we found also aboundance of Corne planted by them, very good and well liking. And we brought with vs about two hundred Passengers and Planters more, which by common consent of the old Planters were all combined together into one Body Politicke, vnder the same Gouernor.

There are in all of vs both old and new Planters about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them are setled at Nehumkek, now called Salem: And the rest haue[108] planted themselues at Masathulets Bay, beginning to build a Towne there which wee doe call Cherton, or Charles Towne.

We that are setled at Salem make what haste we can to build Houses, so that within a short time we shall haue a faire Towne.

We haue great Ordnance, wherewith wee doubt not but wee shall fortifie our selues in a short time to keepe out a potent Aduersary. But that which is our greatest comfort, and meanes of defence aboue all other, is, that we haue here the true Religion and holy Ordinances of Almightie God taught amongst vs: Thankes be to God, wee haue here plenty of Preaching, and diligent Catechizing, with strickt and carefull exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring our People into a Christian conuersation with whom wee haue to doe withall. And thus wee doubt not but God will be with vs, and if God be with us, who can be against us?

Here ends Master Higgeson’s Relation of
New-England.

[109]

A Letter sent from New-England, by Master Graues,
Engynere now there resident.

THus much I can affirme in generall, that I neuer came in a more goodly Country in all my life, all things considered: if it hath not at any time beene manured and husbanded, yet it is very beautifull in open Lands, mixed with goodly woods, and againe open plaines, in some places five hundred Acres, some places more, some lesse, not much troublesome for to cleere for the Plough to goe in, no place barren, but on the tops of the Hils; the grasse & weedes grow vp to a man’s face, in the Lowlands & by fresh Riuers aboundance of grasse and large Meddowes without any Tree or shrubbe to hinder the Sith. I neuer saw except in Hungaria, vnto which I alwayes paralell this countrie, in all our most respects, for euery thing that is heere eyther sowne or planted prospereth far better then in old England: the increase of Corne is here farre beyond expectation, as I haue seene hereby experience in Barly, the which because it is so much aboue your conception I will not mention. And Cattle doe prosper very[110] well, and those that are bredd here farr greater then those with you in England. Vines doe grow here plentifully laden with the biggest Grapes that euer I saw, some I haue seene foure inches about, so that I am bold to say of this countrie, as it is commonly said in Germany of Hungaria, that for Cattel, Corne, and Wine it excelleth. We haue many more hopefull commodities here in this countrie, the which time will teach to make good vse of: In the meane time wee abound with such things which next vnder God doe make vs subsist, as Fish, Foule, Deere, and sundrie sorts of fruits, as musk-millions water-millions, India-Pompions, Indian-Pease Beanes, & many other odde fruits that I cannot name; all which are made good and pleasant through this maine blessing of God, the healthfulnesse of the countrie which far exceedeth all parts that euer I haue beene in: It is obserued that few or none doe here fal sicke, vnless of the Scuruy that they bring from aboard the Ship with them, whereof I haue cured some of my companie onely by labour. [Thus making an end of an imperfect Description, and committing you to God, &c.

[111]

A Catalogue of such needefull things as euery Planter doth or ought to prouide to go to New-England
as namely for one man, which being doubled, may serue for as many as you please, viz.

Victuals for a whole yeere for a man, and so after the rate for more.

8 Bvshels of meale.
2 Bushels of pease.
2 Bushels of Otemeale.
1 Gallon of Aquavitæ.
1 Gallon of Oyle.
2 Gallons of Vinegar.
1 Firkin of Butter.

Apparell.

1 Monmoth Cap.
3 Falling bands.
3 Shirts.
1 Wast-coat.
1 Suit of Canuase.
1 Suit of Frize.
1 Suit of Cloth.
3 Paire of Stockings.
4 Paire of Shooes.
2 Paire of Sheets.
7 Ells of Canuas to
make a bed and
boulster.
1 Paire of Blankets.
1 Course Rug.

Armes.

1 Armor compleat.
1 Long peece.
1 Sword.
1 Belt.
1 Bandilier.
20 Pound of Powder.
60 Pound of Lead.
1 Pistoll and Goose shot.

Tooles.

1 Broad Howe.
1 Narrow Howe.
1 Steele Handsawe.
1 Whipsawe.
1 Hammer.
1 Shouell.
1 Spade.
2 Augres.
4 Chissels.
2 Percers stocked.
1 Broad Axe.
1 Felling Axe.[112]
1 Gimblet.
1 Hatchet.
2 Frowes.
1 Hand-Bill.
1 Grindstone.
1 Pickaxe.
Nayles of all sorts.

Houshold implements.

1 Iron pot.
1 Kettel.
1 Frying pan.
1 Gridiron.
2 Skellets.
1 Spit.
Wooden Platters.
Dishes.
Spoons.
Trenchers.

Spices.

Sugar.
Pepper.
Cloues.
Mace.
Cinnamon.
Nutmegs.
Fruit.

Also there are diuers other things necessary to bee taken ouer to this Plantation, as Bookes, Nets, Hookes and Lines, Cheese, Bacon, Kine, Goats, &c.

[113]

The names of the most remarkable
places in New-England.

The old names. | The new names.
Cape Cod. | Cape Iames.
The Harbor of Cape Cod. | Milford Hauen.
Chawum. | Barwick.
Accomack. | Plimouth.
Sagoquas. | Oxford.
Massachusets Mount. | Cheuit Hils.
Massachusets Riuer. | Charles River.
Totan. | Famouth.
A great Bay by Cape Anne. | Bristow.
Cape Tragabig sanda. | Cape Anne.
Naembeck. | Bastable, so named by King Charles: But by the new Planters now called Salem.
Aggawom. | Southampton.
Smiths Iles. | Smiths Iles.
Passasaquack. | Hull.
Accominticus. | Boston.
Sassanows Mount. | Snowdon hill.
Sowocatuck. | Ipswich.
Bahanna. | Dartmouth.
A good Harbor within that Bay. | Sandwich.
Ancociscos Mount. | Shuters hill.
Ancocisco. | The Base.
Anmoughcawgen. | Cambridge.
Kenebecka. | Edenborow.
Sagadahock. | Leth.
Pemmayquid.[114] | S. Iohns towne.
Segocket. | Norwich.
Mecadacut. | Dunbarton.
Pennobscot. | Aberden.
Nusket. | Low mounds.
Monahigan. | Barties Iles.
Matinack. | Willowbies Iles.
Metinacus. | Haughtons Iles.

But whosoeuer desireth to know as much as yet can be discouered, I aduise them to buy Captaine John Smiths booke of the description of New-England in Folio; and reade from Fol. 203. to the end; and there let the Reader expect to haue full content.

Finis.

[115]

## SOME BRIEF COLLECTIONS
&c.

[117]

Some brief collections out of a letter that Mr. Higginson sent to his friends at Leicester.

THERE are certainly expected here the next spring the coming of 60 familyes out Dorcettershire,[5] who have by letters signified so much to the Goverour to desyre him to appoint them places of habitations they bringing their ministers with them. Also many families are expected out of Lincolnshire[6] and a minister with them, and a great company of godly Christians out of London. Such of you as come from Leister, I would counsell you to come quickly and that for two reasons. 1st, if you linger too long, the passages of Jordan through the malice of Sathan, may be stopped, that you can not come if you[118] would. 2dly, Those that come first speed best here, and have the priviledge of choosing choice places of habitations. Little children of 5 years ould may by setting corne one month be able to get their owne maintenance abundantly. Oh what a good worke might you that are rich do for your poore brethren, to helpe them with your purses onely to convey them hither with their children and families, where they may live as well both for soule and body as any where in the world. Besides they will recompense the cost by helping to build houses and plant your ground for a tyme; which shall be difficult worke at the first, except you have the helpe of many hands. Mr. Johnson out of Lincolnshire and many others, have helped our godly christians hither to be employed in their worke, for a while, and then to live of themselves. We have here about 40 goats that give milke, and as many milch kyne; we have 6 or 7 mares and an horse, and do every day expect the coming of half a score mares more, and 30 Kyne by two shipps that are to follow us.[7] They that come let them bring mares, kyne, and sheepe as many as they can: Ireland is the best place to provide sheepe, and lyes in the way. Bring none that are in lambe, nor mares in foale; for they are in more[119] danger to perish at sea. Of all trades carpenters are most needful, therefore bring as many as you can. It were a wise course for those of abilityes to joyne together and buy a shipp for the voyage and other merchandize. For the governour would that any man may employ his stocke in what merchandises he please, excepting only beaver skins, which the company of merchants reserve to themselves, and the managing of the publique stocke. If any be of the mynde to buy a shipp my cousin Nowell’s[8] counsell would be good. Also one Mr. [Beecher] a very godly man and the master of the ship we went in, and likewise one Mr. Graves the master’s maite dwelling in Wapping may herein staund you in stead. The payment of the transportation of things is wondrous deare, as 5l a man and 10l a horse and commonly 3l for every tunne of goodes: so that a little more than will pay for the passage will purchase the possession of a ship for all together.

No man hath or can have a house built for him here unlesse he comes himselfe, or else send servants before to do it for him. It was an errour that I now perceive both in myselfe, and others did conceive by not rightly understanding the merchaunts meaning. For we thought[120] that all that put in their money into the common stocke; should have a house built for them, besides such a portion of the land; but it was not so. They shall indeed have so much land allotted to them when they come to take possession of it and make use of it, but if they will have houses they must build them. Indeed we that are ministers, and all the rest that were entertained and sent over and maintained by the rest of the company, as their servants, for such a tyme in such employments, all such are to have houses built them of the comyanies charge and no others nor otherwise. They that put money into the stocke, as they do a good worke to helpe forwards so worthy a plantation, so all the gayne they are likely to have, is according to the increase of the stocke at 3 years end, by the trade of beaver, besides the lands which they shall enjoy when they will.

All that come must have victualls with them for a twelve month, I meane they must have meale, oatmeale and such like sustenaunce of food, till they can gett increase of corne by their owne labour. For, otherwise, so many may come without provision at the first, as that our small beginnings may not be sufficient to maintayne[121] them.

Before you come be carefull to be strongly instructed what things are fittest to bring with you for your more comfortable passage at sea, as also for your husbandrey occasions when you come to the land. For when you are once parted with England you shall meete neither with taverns nor alehouse, nor butchers, nor grosers, nor apothecaries shops to helpp what things you need, in the midst of the great ocean, nor when you are come to land here are yet neither markets nor fayres to buy what you want. Therefore be sure to furnish yourselves with things fitting to be had before you come; as meale for bread, malt for drinke, woolen and linnen cloath, and leather for shoes, and all manner of carpenters tools, and a good deale of iron and steele to make nails, and lockes, for houses, and furniture for ploughs and carts, and glasse for windowes, and many other things which were better for you to think of them than to want them here.

Whilst I was writing this letter my wiffe brought me word that the fishers had caught 1600 basse at one draught, which if they were in England were worth many a pound.

[123]

## NOTES

[125]

NOTES.

[1] Thomas Hutchinson, the historian of Massachusetts, attributed this document to Francis Higginson, but Alexander Young and Robert C. Winthrop have shown that another draft of these “Considerations,” in the handwriting of Forth Winthrop, and now preserved in the Winthrop Papers, was probably inspired by John Winthrop. Another copy in the English State Paper Office is endorsed “White of Dorchester his instructions for the plantation of New England.”

[2] Quote, i. e. quost, an obsolete spelling of coast.

[3] The manuscript now in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, ends at this point, the following pages having been lost since it was in the possession of Hutchinson. The remainder of the journal of the voyage is reprinted from Hutchinson’s “Collection of Original Papers relative to the History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay,” Boston, 1769.

[4] Gloucester harbor.

[5] These were the settlers who came with Maverick.

[6] The emigrants from Boston, England.

[7] The “Four Sisters” and the “Mayflower.”

[8] Increase Norwell, afterward Secretary of the Colony.

[A] Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England.—Boston, 1853.

[127]

## INDEX

[129]

INDEX

- Aberden, 114.
- Accomack, 113.
- Accomintus, 113.
- Aggawom, 113.
- Air of New England, 29, 98.
- Ancocisco, 113.
- Ancociscos Mount, 113.
- Anmoughcawgen, 113.
- Ash trees, 26, 95.
- Assurance (ship), 62.
- Bahanna, 113.
- Barley, 109.
- Barties Isles, 114.
- Barwick, 113.
- Bass, 27, 97.
- Bastable, 113.
- Beans, 110.
- Bears, 26, 95.
- Beavers, 26, 95, 119.
- Beech trees, 26, 95.
- Beecher, Mr., 63, 119.
- Berries, 25, 94.
- Birch trees, 26, 95.
- Birds, 31, 100.
- Biscay ship, 65.
- Black, Goodman, 76.
- Boats, Fishing, 28, 97.
- Borley, Capt., 64.
- Boston, 113.
- Boston (Eng.), 125.
- Bows and arrows, 35, 105.
- Brass, 35, 105.
- Bricks, 23, 91.
- Bright, Francis, 53, 54.
- Bristow Bay, 113.
- Brookelime, 25, 94.
- Browne, Mr., 65.
- Butter, 111.
- Cambridge, 113.
- Candles, 32, 102.
- Cannon, 37, 60, 108.
- Cape Ann, 26, 77, 78, 79, 95, 113.
- Cape Cod, 113.
- Cape James, 113.
- Cape Tragabig sanda, 113.
- Carrots, 25, 93.
- Carvel, 25, 94.
- Cattle, 23, 34, 60, 92, 104, 109, 118.
- Cedar trees, 26, 95.
- Charles I, 6.
- Charles River, 22, 90, 113.
- Charlestown, 37, 108.
- Chawum, 113.
- Cherries, 26, 94.
- Cherton, 37, 108.
- Chestnuts, 25, 94.
- Chevit hills, 113.
- Christopher Islands, 65.
- Churches of Europe, 41.
- Claybrook Parish (Eng.), 6.
- Cloth, 25, 94.
- Clothing for New England, 30, 100, 111.
- Codfish, 27, 96.
- Cordage, 25, 94.
- Corn, 23, 35, 36, 92, 107, 109, 118, 120.
- [130]Cornwall (Eng.), 64.
- Cowcastle (Eng.), 62.
- Cowes (Eng.), 63.
- Crabs, 28, 97.
- Cucumbers, 25, 94.
- Currants, 25, 94.
- Cush, 28, 97.
- Cypress trees, 26, 95.
- Dartmouth (Eng.), 113.
- Death of child, 66, 76;
- of sailor, 75.
- Deer, 26, 27, 95, 96.
- Dog fell overboard, 69.
- Dorchester (Eng.), 59, 60, 117.
- Ducks, 31, 101.
- Dunbarton, 114.
- Dye stuffs, 26, 95.
- Eagle, 31, 101.
- Edenborow, 113.
- Education, 41.
- Eels, 28, 97.
- Endecott, Gov., 5, 79.
- Falmouth, 113.
- Fast kept, 67, 71.
- Filberts, 25, 94.
- Files, 23, 91.
- Fir trees, 26, 95.
- Fires in New England, 32, 102.
- Fish, 27, 96, 121.
- Fishing nets, 28, 97.
- Force, Peter, 8.
- Four Sisters (ship), 60, 125.
- Foxes, 26, 95.
- Geese, 31, 101.
- George (ship), 60, 79.
- Gibs, Mr., 66.
- Gloucester, 125.
- Gnats, 33, 103.
- Goats, 23, 60, 92, 118.
- Gods, Indian, 36, 106.
- Goffe, Mr., 69.
- Gooseberries, 78.
- Governor’s house, 36, 107.
- Grain, 25, 93.
- Grampus, 27, 96.
- Grapes, 25, 94, 110.
- Grass, 23, 92.
- Graves, Mr., 109, 119.
- Gravesend (Eng.), 61.
- Gum, 26, 95.
- Haddock, 28, 97.
- Harbors, 27, 96.
- Haughton’s Isles, 114.
- Hawkes, 31, 101.
- Health in New England, 29, 99.
- Herbs, 25, 94.
- Herring, 28, 97.
- Higginson, Rev. Francis, 5-11, 54, 117, 125;
- family of, 7;
- health of, 29, 81, 99;
- sickness of child, 30, 65, 100;
- agreement with, 51;
- sea journal of, 57;
- sails from England, 59;
- death of child, 66;
- lands at Neihumkek, 79;
- seasickness of wife, 81;
- letter to friends at Leicester, 117.
- Higginson, Mary, 63, 65.
- Higginson, Samuel, 65, 68.
- Hogs, 23, 27, 92, 96.
- Horses, 23, 34, 60, 92, 104, 118, 119.
- Household implements, 112.
- Houses, 119.
- Houses of Indians, 35, 106.
- [131]Hull, 113.
- Hungaria, 109, 110.
- Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, 11, 125.
- Iceberg, 72.
- Indians, purchase corn, 24, 93;
- dyes used by, 26, 95;
- lights used by, 32, 102;
- killed by a rattlesnake, 33, 104;
- Saggamores of, 34, 104;
- number of, 34, 105;
- destroyed by the plague, 34, 47, 105;
- unable to use all the land, 34, 105;
- have no settled places, 34, 105;
- personal appearance, 35, 105;
- clothing, 35, 105;
- weapons, 35, 105;
- utensils, 35, 106;
- houses, 35, 106;
- approve coming of Englishmen, 35, 106;
- religion, 36, 106;
- language, 36, 107;
- title to land, 46;
- place names, 113.
- Ipswich, 113.
- Isle of Wight, 62.
- Johnson, Mr., 118.
- Juniper trees, 26, 95.
- Kenebecka, 113.
- Land, abundance of, 34, 35, 104, 106.
- Leather, 26, 95.
- Leeks, 25, 94.
- Leicester ( Eng.), 6, 117.
- Leith, 113.
- Lincolnshire (Eng.), 117, 118.
- Lions, 26, 95.
- Lion’s Whelp (ship), 60, 61, 66, 73, 74, 76.
- Liverwort, 25, 94.
- Lobsters, 28, 97.
- London (Eng.), 59.
- Mackerell, 27, 96.
- Marble, 23, 91.
- Marble-harbour, 23, 91.
- Margate (Eng.), 61.
- Martins, 26, 95.
- Massachusetts, 113.
- Massachusetts Bay, 22, 90.
- Massachusetts Bay, settlement at, 37, 107.
- Massachusetts Bay Company, 6.
- Masts, 26, 95.
- Matinack, 114.
- Maverick, John, 125.
- Mayflower (ship), 60, 125.
- Mecadacut, 114.
- Meere, Mr., 64.
- Melons, 110.
- Metinacus, 114.
- Milk, 23, 92.
- Minerals, 23, 91.
- Molke, 26, 95.
- Monahigan, 114.
- Moose, 26, 95.
- Mosquitoes, 33, 103.
- Mulberries, 25, 94.
- Mullet, 28, 97.
- Mussels, 28, 97.
- Names of places, 113.
- Neihumkek, 78, 79, 113;
- see also Salem.
- New England, 21, 89;
- soil, 22, 90, 109;
- minerals, 23, 91;
- growth of vegetables, 25, 93;
- woods, 26, 95;
- wild beasts, 26, 95;
- [132]fish, 27, 96;
- air, 29, 98;
- seasons, 30, 100;
- birds, 31, 101;
- discomforts, 33, 103;
- winters, 33, 103;
- unoccupied land in, 34, 104;
- condition of plantation in, 36, 107;
- reasons for settling in, 41;
- journal of voyage to, 57;
- healthfulness, 82, 110;
- clothing for, 111;
- arms for, 111;
- tools for, 111, 121;
- household implements for, 112, 121;
- places in, 113;
- further emigration to, 117;
- cost of transportation to, 119;
- food for, 120.
- “New-England’s Plantation,” manuscript sent to England, 7;
- editions printed, 7;
- reprinted, 8;
- bibliographical description, 8;
- census of known copies, 10;
- fac-simile of first edition, 17;
- reprint of third edition, 87.
- Norwich, 114.
- Nowell, Increase, 119, 125.
- Nusket, 114.
- Oak trees, 26, 95.
- Oatmeal, 111.
- Oil, 32, 102, 111.
- Onions, 25, 94.
- Otters, 26, 95.
- Oxford, 113.
- Oysters, 28, 97.
- Parsnips, 25, 93.
- Partridges, 31, 101.
- Passasaquack, 113.
- Pease, 25, 93, 110, 111.
- Pennobscot, 114.
- Pennyroyal, 25, 94.
- Pemmayquid, 114.
- Pigeons, 31, 101.
- Pine trees, 26, 32, 95, 102.
- Pitch, 26, 95.
- Plague destroyed Indians, 34, 105.
- Planters at Neihumkek, 36, 107.
- Plymouth, 24, 93, 113.
- Portsmouth (Eng.), 62.
- Pumpkins, 25, 94, 110.
- Raspberries, 25, 94.
- Rattlesnakes, 33, 103.
- Roses, 25, 78, 94.
- Sagadahock, 113.
- Sagoquas, 113.
- St. Johns towne, 114.
- Salem, Landing at, 6;
- name, 22, 37, 90, 107, 113;
- harbor, 27, 96;
- wells, 29, 98;
- houses, 36, 37, 107, 108;
- number of settlers, 36, 107;
- harbor, 79.
- Salmon, 27, 97.
- Salt, 28, 98.
- Saltpeter, 26, 95.
- Sandwich, 113.
- Sassafras, 26, 95.
- Sassanows Mount, 113.
- Schools of Europe, 41.
- Seasickness, 62, 64.
- Segocket, 114.
- Sheep, 118.
- Ships, 60.
- Shuter’s hill, 113.
- Sickness, 29, 62, 64, 99.
- Skate, 28, 97.
- Skelton, Rev. Samuel, 6, 53, 54.
- [133]Smallpox, 65, 66, 70, 75.
- Smith, Rev., 67.
- Smith, Capt. John, 114.
- Smith’s Isles, 113.
- Snake weed, 33, 104.
- Snakes, 33, 103.
- Snowdon hill, 113.
- Soap ashes, 26, 95.
- Soil of New England, 22, 90.
- Soldiers, 36, 107.
- Sorrel, 25, 94.
- Southampton, 113.
- Sowocatuck, 113.
- Sparke, Michael, 17, 87.
- Spices, 112.
- Spruce trees, 26, 95.
- Squirrels, 26, 95.
- Stone, Building, 23, 95.
- Storm at sea, 69.
- Strawberries, 25, 31, 78, 94, 101.
- Sturgeon, 28, 97.
- Sumach, 26, 95.
- Talbot (ship), 60, 61.
- Tar, 26, 95.
- Thornback, 28, 97.
- Tools for New England, 111.
- Torches, 32, 103.
- Totan, 113.
- Trees, 26, 95.
- Turbot, 28, 97.
- Turkeys, 31, 101.
- Turnips, 25, 93.
- Turpentine, 26, 95.
- Vegetables, 25, 93.
- Vinegar, 111.
- Voyage to New England, 59.
- Walnuts, 25, 94.
- Wapping (Eng.), 119.
- Watercress, 25, 94.
- Weapons of Indians, 35, 105.
- Wells, 29, 98.
- Whales, 27, 96.
- White, John, 125.
- White benjamin gum, 26, 95.
- Whitethorn, 25, 94.
- Wild cats, 26, 95.
- Willow trees, 26, 95.
- Willowbies Isles, 114.
- Winship, George Parker, 11.
- Wintersavory, 25, 94.
- Winter season, 33, 103.
- Winthrop, Forth, 125.
- Winthrop, Robert C., 125.
- Wolves, 26, 95.
- Wood, William, 7.
- Woods, 26, 94.
- Yarmouth (Eng.), 63.
- Young, Alexander, 8, 125.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Introduction, page 9: ‘D[4]’ replaced by ‘D(4)’ to avoid confusion with footnote numbering.
Introduction, page 9: ‘Third Editon’ replaced by ‘Third Edition’.
Index, page 131: ‘Sagamores of’ replaced by ‘Saggamores of’.
Index, page 131: ‘34, 195;’ replaced by ‘34, 105;’.

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